Skip to main content

Full text of "Mary Tudor, queen of France"

See other formats





PHILIP. Martin Hume, M.A. 


E. Tremayne. 






FRANCE. Mary Croom Brown. 










First Publishtd in ign 



ANYONE who writes the life of Mary Tudor, 
daughter of Henry VII. , must owe a debt of 
gratitude to Mrs Everett Green, who first drove 
a wedge through the mass of documents dealing with 
the subject. Since that date, however, new evidence 
has come to light and fresh readings of mutilated docu- 
ments have been possible. Here and there a detail has 
been verified, nothing in itself, but when fitted in 
suggesting a new meaning to the whole ; for this 
romantic history, dealing as it does with personal detail, 
is a very jig-saw puzzle. The date of the princess's birth, 
now at last definitely ascertained, is one of these details ; 
the fact that in France she was twice married to Charles 
Brandon is another ; and, to give a third instance, the 
detailed evidence shows that in the question of the dis- 
missal of her English train from the French Court, Mary 
was as much sinner as sinned against. But after all is 
said, the difference between a book written fifty years 
ago, and one of to-day lies not so much in the matter 
newly discovered, as in the method of handling the same 
documents, and in the present incorrigible habit of 
valuing personality above ceremony, in this case looking 
for the woman in the princess and finding her. So while 
fifty years ago Princess Mary " penned many epistles," 
now she writes letters; then "she was advanced to 


maternal honours," now her first child is born. It all 
means the same thing set to differing measures. We jig 
along : they walked solemnly. 

My thanks are due in no small measure to Miss A. M. 
Allen and to Mr P. C. Allen for their careful and friendly 
help, and to the Librarian of Exeter College and the 
officials of the Record Office for their courtesy. 




Childhood and Betrothal to Charles of Castile . 1 

European Complications ..... 25 

A Campaign and a Courtship . . . .48 


The Duchess repudiates her Suitor and the Princess 

breaks her contract . . . .72 

Betrothal to Louis XII. of France ... 93 

Queen of France . . . . . .119 

The Englishmen in Paris . . . .139 


The White Queen and the Duke. The Secret 

Marriage . . . . . .148 




Confession and Penance . . . . .173 

The Lovers come Home ... . 200 


Afterwards . . . . . .219 

Appendix . . . . . . .253 

Index ...... 277 


Mary Tudor, Duchess of Suffolk, and her Husband 

Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk . Frontispiece 

From the Painting by Jean de Mabuse, in the possession of the 
Earl of Yarborough 



Elizabeth of York ..-•-•■ 

kFrom the Painting in the National Portrait Gallery (Flemish 

Henry VII. 

From the Painting in the National Portrait Gallery (Flemish 

Maximilian, Emperor of Germany 

From the Painting by Albrecht Diirer at Vienna. (Photo, F. 

Margaret, Duchess of Savoy .... 

From the Window in the Chapel of the Virgin in the Church of 

Margaret, Countess of Richmond . .74 

Painter unknown, National Portrait Gallery 

Charles, Prince of Castile .... 90 

From the Painting in the Louvre (Flemish School) 






Louis XII 102 

Engraved by A. Berthold, from his Tomb in S. Denis 

Francis I. . . . . . . .144 

From the Painting in the Louvre (French School) 

Henry VIII 154 

Painter unknown, National Portrait Gallery 

Cardinal Wolsey . . . . . .192 

Painter unknown, National Portrait Gallery 

Margaret Tudor, Queen of Scots . . .230 

National Portrait Gallery 


. and P. H. VII. and R. Ill 


Letters and Papers, Henry VII. and 
Richard III. 

. and P. H. VIII. . 


Calendar of Letters and Papers, 
Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign 
of Henry VIII. 

. S. P. Venice 


Calendar of Venetian State Papers. 

. S. P. Spain 


Calendar of Spanish State Papers. 

alig. . 


Cottonian MSS., Caligula, B.M. 

ralba . 

• = 

„ „ Galba, „ 


. = 

„ „ Vitellius, „ 

•sp. . 

. = 

„ „ Vespasian, „ 

lb. . 


Public Record Office. 





TO write the full life of Mary Tudor, second 
daughter of Henry VII., is to attempt the 
impossible, for the term usually implies a con- 
secutive story from the gate of birth to that of death. 
We do know now the dates written over both these 
gates, but while her early days are shrouded by lack of 
information, her later years are equally indistinct. For 
less than a couple of years Mary Tudor lives and moves 
before us, and only this watch and vision is clear. 
From October 1514 to May 1516 she reveals herself, 
and fortunately with greater distinctness than she could 
possibly have done in a chronicle of orderly days with 
their circling duties and small joys and sorrows. To 
most ordinary men and women there comes one great 
moment in life, the third act of the play, to which all 
the previous scenes have been leading, and it is during 
Mary's great moment, when her nature was keyed to 
its highest pitch, that we are able to see her clearest. 
Before it arrives and after it has passed one desires, 
and desires in vain, the chronicle of those smaller joys 


and sorrows, but it is not to be found, and as we cannot 
have the life let us make the most of the episode. 

The date of Mary's birth has at last been fixed as 
the 18th March 1495. The day and the month have 
hitherto been a matter of uncertain conjecture, and the 
year has been given as 1496 on the strength of a privy 
seal of Henry VII. which runs as follows : " de Termino 
Paschae anno xi. regis nunc : Anne Skeron nutrici 
dominae Mariae Is. pro quarterio unius anni finiti ad 
festum Sancti Johannis Baptistae ultim. ; Johannae 
Colyng, Fredeswidae Puttenham, Marjeriae Gower, 
Johannae Cace, Avisae Skidmore et Alicae Bywymble 
cuilibet earum xxxiijs. iiijd, pro attendenciis suis 
nutrici ducis Eboracencis et sororum suarum per medium 
annum ad finem predictum." So that Anne Skeron had 
only completed three months' service at midsummer 
when the other nurses and attendants had completed 
six. Now the xi. year of Henry VII. lies between 
August 22, 1495, and August 21, 1496, so that this 
midsummer falls before Easter 1496, the date of the 
document, for it is " ad festum Sancti Johannis Baptistae 
ultim." Hence the quarter's wage then due must have 
begun in March 1495, not in March 1496 as Mrs 
Green 1 and, following her, Dr Gairdner argues. That 
it was 1495 is supported, in a somewhat weak-kneed 
fashion, by the fact that in the beginning of 1499 2 
Henry refused to give his daughter in marriage to 
the Duke of Milan because she was only three years 
old, and by her brother's statement in his letter to 
Leo X. announcing the repudiation of the Castilian 
marriage contract in 1514, that she was married in 

1 " Lives of the Princesses of England," vol. v. p. 2. 

2 C. S. P. Venice, i. 790. 


December 1508 at the age of about thirteen (cum vix 
annum tertium decimum attigisset). 1 Henry VII. 's 
love of accuracy makes his statement that Mary was 
three years old and not four at the beginning of 1499 
worth having, and, as Dr Gairdner says, his son had 
no reason to deceive the Pope in 1514. His sister had 
then been safely married to an old man, and there was 
no necessity to keep up a fiction about her age. But 
evidence of unassailable authority is to be found in the 
Calendar prefixed to Queen Elizabeth of York's Psalter 
in the Library of Exeter College, Oxford, where the 
date of Mary's birth is given as 18th March 1495. The 
only question which now arises is, Did the writer who 
inserted the dates for the Queen in the Calendar use 
the January or the March year ? But remembering the 
date of the privy seal already quoted, and the fact that 
the new fashion of reckoning the year as beginning in 
January was already in use in private documents, it is 
only reasonable to conclude that the writer, whoever he 
may have been, had adopted the modern calendar. 

The difficulty of determining the age of the princess 
is partly due to the fact that when Mary was growing 
up and developing rapidly into a young woman, Charles 
of Castile, nearly five years younger, remained a child 
in appearance. The Flemish Council said she was too 
old for him, and sought to break off the match, and in 
1514, to answer the gibe that Charles wanted a wife 
and not a mother, her age seems to have been officially 
announced as sixteen, while as a matter of fact she was 
nineteen. No wonder in these days of early marriages 
(her sister Margaret was packed off to Scotland when 
she was just over fifteen, and her father had been born 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5319, Harl. 3462, 142. b. 


before her grandmother's fourteenth birthday) she felt 
as though she had coiffe Ste Catherine, and the fiction 
of her age grew easily. 

The childhood of Mary passed in obscurity ; new- 
frocks, a few doctor's bills, a papal pardon, are the few 
indications of her existence. Once only do we see her, 
as a child of four, in the winter of 1499, playing in the 
great hall at Eltham, 1 when Lord Mountjoy brought 
Erasmus to see Prince Henry there. When she emerges 
into clearer light, she shows herself to be of little mental 
originality but of strong passions, and it will be 
interesting to describe, so far as is possible, the qualities 
she may have inherited from her father and her mother. 
Henry VIII., Queen Margaret of Scotland, Queen Mary of 
France, all had these violent qualities which are miscalled 
Tudor, for they really belong to the house of York. 

Her mother, Elizabeth of York, daughter of Edward 
IV., had been rescued from the arms of her uncle, 
Richard III., to be thrust into those of Henry of 
Richmond. She was a rather short woman, inclined to 
embonpoint, with deep breasts. She possessed a happy, 
pleasure-loving temperament, was very charitable, deeply 
attached to her sisters, Katharine, Countess of Devon, 
and the lady Bridget of York ; religious in the outward 
sense of the word. That is to say, that while she took 
many journeys for pleasure in the summer, she did her 
pilgrimages vicariously by means of her servants. 2 Her 
portrait in the National Portrait Gallery is not that of 
an intellectual woman, it is, rather, a childish face with 
great comeliness. She had ruddy hair and brown eyes, 
which she bequeathed to none of her surviving children > 

1 Knight's " Life of Erasmus," p. 69. 

2 Exchequer Accounts, T.K., Misc. Books 210. Record Office. 




who all had the pale blue eyes, looking grey in certain 
lights, of their father. She was beloved by the 
Londoners because she was the daughter of her father, 
and no doubt this means that she had his easy manner, 
and possibly, like him, was " among mean persons more 
familiar than his degree, dignity or majesty required." 1 
She had no influence in Court nor with her husband. 
All the feminine influence there was centred in her 
mother-in-law, the Lady Margaret, Countess of 
Richmond, with whose orderly, ceremony-loving nature 
Elizabeth must ever have been secretly at feud. Henry 
believed there was no woman to equal his mother, and 
the "King's lady mother" regulated the whole Court 
in personal matters with a despotic hand. Ceremony 
was to her the breath of her nostrils, and, where she was, 
nothing moved but to slow and stately music. Elizabeth, 
on the other hand, loved flowers and gardens, music and 
disguisings and picnics, 2 and she passed on her delight 
in these things to her children, while she did not 
"like" her position of subjection; but that there was 
open revolt we cannot tell. There is a pathetic hearsay 
picture of her as the comforter of her husband on the 
death of Prince Arthur in 1502, which shows her gentle 
nature and soft, ^comforting manner. (Again, these were 
passed on to Queen Mary and Henry VIII.) Henry was 
absolutely broken down by the news, and she hid her 
own sorrow at the sight of his grief till the first agony 
of his was passed. But when she went back to her own 
room, " natural and motherly remembrance of that 
great loss smote her so sorrowful to the heart, that those 
that were about her were fain to send for the King to 

1 Hall's " Chronicle," ed. 1809, p. 341. 

2 Exchequer Accounts, T.R., Misc. Books 210. passim. 


comfort her." This account the writer acknowledges to 
be at second hand, but whether her reported words be 
the self-same that she uttered or not, yet the fact 
remains that in spite of Lady Margaret, Henry turned 
to his wife for comfort in his great grief. Possibly Lady 
Margaret grudged the Queen her easy popularity, for she 
was as beloved as Henry was disliked. " She is a very 
noble woman," writes the Spanish agent, and suggests that 
his master and mistress should show her a little love. 

Henry's picture has been drawn by Hall. " He was 
a man of body but leane and spare, albeit mighty and 
strong therewith, of personage and stature somewhat 
higher than the mean sort of men be, of a wonderful 
beauty and fair complexion, of countenance merry and 
smiling, especially in his communication, his eyes grey, 
his teeth single and hair thin, of wit in all things quick 
and prompt, of a princely stomach and haute courage. 
In great perils, doubtful affairs and matters of weighty 
importance, supernatural and in manner divine, for 
such things as he went about he did them advisedly 
and not without great deliberation and breathing. . . . 
Besides this, he was sober, moderate, honest, affable, 
courteous, bounteous, so much abhoring pride and 
arrogancy that he was ever sharp and quick to them 
which were noted and spotted with the crime. . . . 
Although his mother were never so wise (as she was 
both witty and wise), yet her will was bridled and her 
doynges restrayned. And this regiment he said he 
kept to thentent y fc he worthely might be called a King, 
whose office is to rule and not to be ruled of other." l 

De Puebla, the Spanish ambassador, found that 
when he was angry Henry's speech was full of venom, 

1 Hall's "Chronicle," ed. 1809, p. 504. 


and that the words came from his mouth like vipers 
and he indulged in every kind of passion. Add to this 
another Spaniard's estimate of the King. In 1498 
Pedro d'Ayala wrote to Ferdinand of Aragon. Henry 
" is disliked, but the Queen is beloved because she is 
powerless. They [the people] love the Prince as much 
as themselves, because he is the grandchild of his 
grandfather. . . . The King looks old for his years, 
but young for the sorrowful life he has led. One of 
the reasons why he leads a good (i.e. sober) life is that 
he has been brought up abroad. He would like to 
govern England in the French fashion, but he cannot. 
He is subject to his Council, but has already shaken 
off some and has got rid of some part of this subjection. 
Those who have received the greatest favours from him 
are the most discontented. He knows all that. The 
King has the greatest desire to employ foreigners in his 
service. He cannot do so, for the envy of the English 
is diabolical, and I think without equal. He likes to 
be much spoken of and to be highly appreciated by the 
whole world. He fails in this, because he is not a great 
man. Although he professes many virtues, his love of 
money is too great. He spends all the time he is not 
in public or in his council in writing the accounts of 
his expenses with his own hand. . . . The King is much 
influenced by his mother and his followers in affairs 
of personal interest and in others. The Queen, as is 
generally the case, does not like it." 1 The same writer 
puts down the fact that Henry was more intelligent 
than his courtiers to his not being a pure Englishman. 
From another source 2 Henry's impatience with 

1 C. S. P. Spain, p. 210. 

2 L. and P. R. III. and H. VII., i. 231. 


unsupported accusations is emphasized. "Ye would 
be ware how that ye brake to him in such matters, for 
he would take it to be said of envy, ill-will and malice," 
and he would send " sharp writing again that he would 
have proof of this matter." Further, the King was 
superstitious, and d'Ayala hints that this is his Welsh 
blood : " in Wales there are many who tell fortunes." 
In 1499 he was warned by a priest that his life would 
be in great danger for a year, and he aged in con- 
sequence twenty years in two weeks, and grew " very 
devout and heard a sermon every day during Lent, and 
has continued his devotions for the rest of the day." 

The whole Court was devout in the same sense, and 
while one Spaniard says that " when one sees and 
knows the manners and the way of life of this people 
in this island, we cannot deny the grave inconveniences 
of the Princess's (Katharine) coming to England before 
she is of age . . . before she has learnt to appreciate 
fully our habits of life," * another complains that it is 
impossible in Lent to get a piece of meat in the Court 
kitchen. 2 And the two complaints illustrate well what 
was and what was not to be found in the Court. 

The nursery of the royal children was at Eltham, and 
there Mary probably remained till she was of fit age 
to appear in public. During her first two years the 
"Norcery" was under the care of Mistress Elizabeth 
Denton, 3 of whom Henry and Mary were genuinely 
fond, 4 and when she became one of the Queen's gentle- 
women, her place was taken by Mistress Anne Crowmer. 5 
The children consisted of Henry, Duke of York, the 

1 C. S. P. Spain, i. 210. 2 Ibid., i. 603. 

3 Wardrobe Accounts, Exc. K.K., Bundle 414 (8). 

4 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 217, and other entries. 

6 Wardrobe Accounts, Exc. T.K., Misc. Books 209. 


ladies Margaret and Mary, and later on of Lord Edmund, 
who died a baby in 1500. Arthur, Prince of Wales, 
who was nine years older than Mary, had been emanci- 
pated from women's care, and had his own household. 
Babyhood in these days was not prolonged, and before 
Mary was two years old she was dressed like a woman 
of twenty in kirtles of black silk and velvet edged with 
ermine and mink, and provided with ribbons for lacing 
and for girdles, 1 while next spring (8th April 1497) 2 
she was playing about in black velvet edged with 
tawny tinsel, or in black satin edged with velvet and 
a kirtle of black damask ; the gowns, poor child, already 
stiff with buckram. Her smocks were made of fine 
linen. The usual channel by which Mary got all her 
clothes was an order to the keeper of the Great Wardrobe 
at the Tower minutely describing the articles to be 
delivered, signed at the top by her father. The same 
year (16th November 1497) 3 she was given 3 pairs 
of hosen, 8 pairs single soled shoes and 4 pairs of 
double. In July 1499 4 she was put into colours, and 
presented with a green velvet gown edged with purple 
tinsel satin, and a blue velvet gown edged with crimson 
velvet, both stiffened with buckram, a kirtle of tawny 
satin edged with black velvet lined with blue cloth in 
the upper body, and another of black satin lined with 
black cloth in the upper body, 2 pairs knit hosen 
and linen smocks. Sheets, blankets, carpets, stools, 
basins, all chamber furnishings came from the Great 
Wardrobe, and were not to be had without a personal 
order from the King. No doubt her grandmother 
ordered such clothing for her grandchildren as she 

1 Wardrobe Accounts, Exc. K.R, Bundle 414 (8). 2 Ibid. 

3 Wardrobe Accounts, Exc. T.R, Misc. Books 209. 4 Ibid. 


considered proper, and only once is there evidence 
that Queen Elizabeth took any interest in Mary's 
clothes : that was when she paid for the making of a 
black gown for her just after the death of Prince 
Arthur. 1 What emotions may underlie that bare entry 
in the Queen's private accounts we can only conjecture. 
The education necessary for a young lady was to 
learn to sing and to dance, to play the lute and other 
instruments, and to order her discourse wisely. Very 
much what it was fifty years ago. Henry admired 
French manners more than any other, and wanted 
his children to be conversant with them. So with 
Mary he placed Mademoiselle Jane Popincourt, a child 
of about her own age, and we may conjecture that the 
large wardrobe provided in March 1498 for "a French 
maiden " 2 was for her. She had almost the same 
clothes as the princess, and was called her attendant, 
and Mary herself says they were brought up together. 
If Henry's idea was that his daughter should learn to 
speak French in her childhood, he was disappointed. 
Probably Jane learnt to speak English, but when 
Mary's marriage drew near in 1512, she had to have 
a special schoolmaster to coach her in the language, 
and this in spite of the fact that in Henry VII. 's court 
French was the usual tongue. Beyond reading and 
writing (spelling, alas for the record searcher, was 
not taught), singing, dancing, and embroidering, Mary's 
education did not go, and we have only to look at the 
portrait of her father to realize that he was one of 
those men who pray, " d'une mule qui brait et d'une 
fille qui parle latin, delivrez-nous, seigneur." His 
mother's benefactions to learning at the universities go 

1 E*c. T.R., Misc. Books 210. 2 Ibid., 209. 


no way to prove that she believed in it for women, as 
in fact she did not, and the result was that neither 
Mary nor her elder sister attained to the intellectual 
poise which is so remarkable in their descendants, Lady 
Jane Grey and Queen Mary Stuart. 

So the two girls lived at Eltham, made habitable 
by their grandfather, and went in and out under his 
device (the rose en soleil) on the doorway, 1 and 
afterwards at Baynard's Castle, Westminster Palace, 
Richmond, Windsor, Greenwich, wherever the Court 
was, going from one place to another by river in the 
Queen's great barge with its white and green awnings 
and 21 rowers in livery, and taking two days to 
get from Greenwich to Richmond. 2 Once out of the 
nursery they were with their mother's ladies, and with 
their aunts, the Lady Katharine Courteney, Countess of 
Devon, and the Lady Bridget of York, who, after the 
Queen's death, became a nun. 3 They knew Lady 
Katharine Gordon, the unfortunate widow of Perkin 
Warbeck, whose position at Court must have been a 
curious one ; she was one of the Queen's ladies. 
Among the others were Lady Anne Howard, Lady 
Elizabeth Stafford, Lady Alyanore Verney, daughter 
of Sir Geoffrey Pole, whose husband, Sir Rauf, became 
chamberlain to Mary as Princess of Castile, and whose 
daughter-in-law, Dorothy, was one of her ladies. Dame 
Joan Guildford, sister of Sir Nicholas Vaux of Calais, 
and protege of the Countess of Richmond, whose 
husband was controller of the household ; Anne Weston, 
of the same Westons as Francis, who came to so tragic 

1 Drake's "Hundred of Blackheath," p. 186. 

2 Exc. T.R., Misc. Books 210, Book of the Household of Queen Elizabeth. 

3 Ibid. 


.an end in the Boleyn catastrophe ; Anne Browne, who 
went through so much misery before Charles Brandon 
married her ; Eleanor Jones represented Wales, beloved 
of Henry and his mother ; and the two Baptistes, 
Elizabeth and Francoise, were French waiting-maids. 1 

When Mary was six years old her father attained his 
ambition, and the alliance with Spain, for which he had 
wrought so hard since 1488, constantly handicapped by 
conspiracies and rebellions, was affirmed by the marriage, 
in November 1501, of Katharine of Aragon and Arthur 
of Wales. Mary and her sister had new gowns for the 
occasion. Margaret, because she was six years older 
than Mary, and was about to be betrothed to James IV. 
of Scotland, and had to look her best in the presence of 
the Scots Commissioners, had her first gown of cloth of 
gold : " tawnay cloth of gold tissue trimmed with 
ermine backs and furred within with ermine wombes." 
She had another of purple velvet, made very long, with 
tabard sleeves furred with the same, two new hoods 
made in the French fashion, one of crimson and one of 
black velvet, two kirtles, one of tawny, one of russet 
satin, two pairs of sleeves, one of crimson satin and one 
of white cloth of gold of damask lined with blue sarcenet. 
Margaret's joy can be easily read in the light of her later 
open pleasure in fine clothes, for when in Scotland, de- 
spoiled of all by the Duke of Albany, and too ill to move, 
she had the new gowns sent by her brother brought in 
to her room time and again, so that she might admire 
them. Mary had no cloth of gold. She had two 
gowns, one of russet velvet trimmed with ermine backs 
and furred within with miniver, and another of crimson 
velvet with tabard sleeves trimmed with the same ; a 

1 Exc. T.R., Misc. Books 210, Book of the Household of Queen Elizabeth. 


kirtle of tawny satin with a pair of green satin sleeves. 
The whole Court got new clothes, and on the day of the 
marriage the King's henchmen in their crimson cloaks,, 
bordered with black satin, 1 the Duke of York's followers 
in yellow and blue, with the guard in the King's own 
livery of white and green, and the minstrels and 
" trompettes " with their banner-hung instruments 
also dressed in the King's colours, the King and the 
Queen and their children in cloth of gold or tawny 
satin and ermine, must have made a fine sight as the- 
procession passed along the blue cloth laid down from 
the bishop's palace to the cathedral door. 2 

But in a few months cloth of gold was exchanged for 
black satin, for Arthur died in Wales on 2nd April 1502, 
though in November, when Mary received her half- 
yearly supply of clothes, she was given a crimson velvet 
kirtle, possibly in anticipation of Margaret's marriage 
with the King of Scots on 25th January 1503. At the 
same time Elizabeth Langton, wardrobe maid, received 
linen for smocks, rails (nightgowns) and night kerchiefs 
for the princess and for Jane Popincourt. 3 This is the 
first time rails are mentioned in the list. Did small 
children go to their " naked bed ' ?■ The Queen was 
going to have another child, and about three weeks 
after Margaret's marriage she died in child-birth in the 
Tower (11th February). Her French nurse 4 had not 
been a success after all. She is reported to have com- 
forted Henry on Arthur's death with the promise of 
more children, saying God had given them so many 
" and we are both young enough, and God is where he 

1 Wardrobe Accounts, Exc. T.K., Bundle 415 (10). 

2 Ibid. » Ibidt 

4 Exc. T.R., Mi3c. Books 210, Book of the Household of Queen 


was." Her child was a daughter, named Catherine, wh< 
only lived a few days. 

At once the atmosphere of the Court changed, an< 

from now on it lived in a bustle of match-making, fc 

father, son and daughter were all in the market. First 

there was Katharine of Aragon, whose destiny was so 

uncertain. The Spanish alliance brought Henry the 

European position that he coveted, and he neither 

wanted to risk losing it by restoring the Princess to her 

parents, or to lose the chance of widening his sphere of 

influence by binding Henry of York to marry her. 

However, the main thing for the moment was to hold 

on to Spain, so in July 1503 a dispensation for 

Katharine's marriage with her husband's brother was 

applied for. It only arrived in Spain in November 

1504, when Isabella of Castile lay on her death-bed. 

It comforted the Queen, who had been horrified at 

Henry's interim proposal to marry the Princess himself. 

The death of Isabella (who is always called Elizabeth in 

England) and the question of the succession to Castile 

opened wider plans to Henry's imagination. Already, 

in 1500, Henry had had an interview with Philip of 

Burgundy in St Peter's Church, outside Calais, and 

Mary's marriage with Philip's son, Charles, Duke of 

Luxemburg, then four months old, had been mooted, 

as well as the Duke of York's to a Flemish princess. 

Then, in 1505, Henry thought of marrying Margaret 

of Angouleme, or her mother, Louise of Savoy, and 

suggested that Mary should marry the Dauphin. 1 

Henry, in his underhand way, also said she was asked 

in marriage by the son of the King of Portugal, 2 but 

this is doubtful. But the King in 1506 finally concen- 

i L. and P. K. III. and H. VII., ii 147. 2 Ibid. 




trated his ambitions on Flanders and Castile, and in 
1506 fortune came to him from the sea. Philip of 
Burgundy and his wife Joanna, now King and Queen 
of Castile, were on their way to take possession of their 
new kingdom to Ferdinand of Aragon's despite, when 
they were storm-driven into Weymouth harbour. Hall 
says that Philip had been so battered about and sea- 
sick that he insisted on landing, though his councillors 
warned him that if he once put his foot on shore, 
courtesy and perhaps force would demand a longer visit. 
And so it turned out, for Henry sent him a cordial 
invitation to visit him at Windsor, and thither went 
Philip, followed later by Joanna, who showed no haste 
to meet her sister Katharine. This is the occasion on 
which we see the Princess Mary dancing and playing 
the lute before Philip in the King's dining-room at 
Windsor. " And when the King heard that the King 
of Castile was coming [from his appartments in the 
Castle] he went to the door of the great chamber and 
there received him. . . . And so both together went 
through that chamber, the King's dining chamber, and 
from thence to an inner chamber where was my lady 
Princess and my lady Mary, the King's daughter, and 
divers other ladies. And after the King of Castile had 
kissed them and communed with them, and communed 
a while with the King and ladies all, they came into the 
King's dining chamber, where danced my lady Princess 
and a Spanish lady with her in Spanish array, and 
after she had danced two or three dances she left ; and 
then danced my lady Mary and an English lady with 
her : and ever and anon the lady Princess desired the 
King of Castile to dance, which, after he had excused 
himself once or twice, answered that he was a mariner ; 


'but yet/ said he, 'you would cause me to dance/ 
and so he danced not, but communed still with the 
Kiug. And after that my lady Mary had danced two 
or three dances, she went and sat by my lady Princess 
on the end of the carpet which was under the cloth of 
estate and near where the King and the King of Castile 
stood. And then danced one of the strange lords and 
a lady of England. That done, my Lady Mary played 
on the lute, and after upon the claregulls, who played 
very well, and she was of all folks there greatly praised 
that in her youth in everything she behaved herself so 
very well." 1 

The upshot of this visit was a contract of marriage 
between Mary and Charles, and between Henry VII. 
and Philip's sister, the Duchess of Savoy, not long a 
\\idow for the second time, provided the lady consented. 
The lady would not consent, and Jehan le Sauvage, 
President of Flanders, wrote to Maximilian, her father, 
the King of the Romans, that though he had laboured 
daily with her for a full month, she still decidedly 
refused. 2 Again and again Maximilian, in need of 
money and help against the Duke of Gueldres, pressed 
his daughter to consent, if only to amuse the King 
of England with promises, but she always answered 
"that although an obedient daughter she will never 
agree to so unreasonable a marriage." 3 So Henry 
was fain in the end to be content with the marriage 
of Philip's son Charles, Duke of Luxemburg, to his 
daughter Mary. 

September 1506 saw Henry's horizon suddenly 

1 Vesp. 0, xii. 239. b., quoted in Green's " Lives of the Princesses of 
England," v. 4. 

2 C. S. P. Spain, i. 476. * Ibid., 480. 


widen. Philip of Castile died in that month. Henry 
would marry his widow Joanna and control Castile. 
Fortune this time favoured Ferdinand, who had been none 
too well pleased by the marriage projects ; Joanna went 
mad, and though Henry said he did not mind that, 
seeing that she could still bear children, it gave 
Ferdinand an excuse for delaying negotiations. Mad 
or sane, Henry wanted to marry her, and de Puebla, 
the Spanish agent in England, suggested that marriage 
with such a man as Henry would restore her to 
sanity. 1 Margaret of Savoy 2 had obeyed her father 
in "amusing" Henry, and the King played off one 
marriage against the other, telling Ferdinand that he 
must decide soonabout Joanna, for Margaret of Savoy 
was waiting to marry him, 3 while to Margaret he said 
that there were so many other great and honourable 
matches daily offered to him on all sides 4 that he could 
hardly choose which to have. It is true Margaret of 
Savoy had come to the Netherlands, but not as the 
prospective wife of the King of England waiting to 
cross the channel at his nod. She had been appointed 
Governess of the Netherlands and guardian to her 
nephew Charles, Prince of Castile. By her means a 
treaty was concluded in 1507 with England, and the 
marriage of the children was to have taken place at 
once, but Henry's illness prevented it. France, Spain 
and Austria were to meet at Cambrai in December 
1508 for the adjustment of their claims in Italy, and 
Henry, in pursuance of his policy, tried hard, by means 
of Wolsey, to get the Bishop of Gurk, Maximilian's 
secretary, to help him to weaken Aragon by detaching 

1 C. S. P. Spain, i. 511. 2 Ibid., 547. 

3 Ibid., 513. 4 Ibid., 491. 


France from him, so that Ferdinand, who was 
maintaining himself in a usurped Castile by French 
support, would find it impossible to continue to hold 
the kingdom. Henry's desires had no weight at 
Cambrai, and England, having no stake in Italy, was 
ignored. But on December 16, 1508, the marriage 
between Charles of Castile and Mary of England was 
celebrated at Richmond. 

While these events were passing, Mary, to judge 
by her clothes, was growing up. They became more 
elaborate. Her mourning for her mother did not last 
long, for in June 1503 (three months after Elizabeth's 
death) she was wearing a gown of blue cloth edged 
with black velvet, and another of the same colour lined 
with miniver and edged with ermine. Her kirtle was 
of blue damask bordered with black velvet, and her 
bonnets were of " ermines powdered " and black velvet. 
She tied her hair with tawny silk ribbon. Her stockings 
were white, and she was now allowed 300 pins. Jane 
Popincourt's allowance was practically the same ; she, 
too, had a blue gown edged with black velvet, white 
stockings, shoes, gloves, and pins. In the autumn 
Mary had 1000 pins. Her allowance comes to two 
gowns, kirtles, bonnets, etc., in the half year — not 
excessive for a princess. 1 

Henry VII. did not go in for unnecessary magnificence, 
and Mary's trousseau, seeing she was to remain in her 
father's court at his charge, was a very modest one. 
Her wedding gown was of tawny cloth of gold of tissue 
with wide sleeves, lined with ermine, and trimmed with 
the same down the front and round the foot, and with an 
ermine collar. Henry ordered for her 1600 powderings 

1 Wardrobe Accounts, Eic. K.E., Bundle 415 (10). 


from his own store — that is, the little black tails which 
turn miniver into ermine. Her other gowns were of 
purple tinsel furred with black shanks (coarse sheep's 
skin), of black damask furred with the same, of crimson 
velvet " purfled with purfull " (border) of crimson cloth 
of gold of damask, and lined with black sarcenet, 
two kirtles, a scarlet petticoat, two pairs of slippers, 
six pairs of hose and a pair of night-buskins (bed- 
socks) ; " a chamber stool of tymber," a basin of tin to 
wash her head in, a new bowl of "tre" to make lye in 
and baskets to carry the said basins in. All which 
details indicate that she was to have a separate 
establishment Thriftiness comes in, and she was given 
a pair of sheets to cover up her gowns with. 1 

She was a pretty, fair-haired child, with her father's 
beautiful complexion, small for her age and looking 
younger than she was. She had good manners and moved 
gracefully. By December 17 she was word-perfect in her 
part of the ceremony, which was more than the Prince's 
proxy was, and had been thoroughly well coached in her 
demeanour. The marriage was to take place at Eichmond, 
in what had been Queen Elizabeth's room, called Mary's 
for the moment. There on that Sunday morning the 
Flemish ambassador, Lord de Berghes, who was to be 
Charles' proxy, the Governor of Bresse, Dr Sploncke, 
and Jehan le Sauvage, President of Flanders, with the 
Flemish nobles who had come to see the show, met the 
English Court. They waited, first for the King, who 
soon came in from the next room and engaged the 
ambassadors in pleasant and courteous conversation, and 
then for Mary, who did not keep them waiting long. 
Preceded by the Princess of Wales and her ladies, she 

1 Wardrobe Accounts, Exc. K.R., Bundle 416 (7). 



entered and went to the high place prepared for her, and 
there stood alone under the golden cloth of estate. The 
ceremony began by speeches from the Archbishop of 
Canterbury and the President of Flanders, and these 
ended, with " due reverence in most humble maner 
shewed and doon by the said Lord Barges with most 
efTectuous recommendacion made on the behalf of the 
Prynce of Castile, he then, takynge my sayd lady by 
the hande and eftsones declaryng thauctoritie geven 
unto him to contract matrymony with hir for and in the 
name of the sayde yonge Prynce, rehersed and uttred at 
the informacion of the sayd president the wordes of 
parfect matrymonye per verba de presenti whiche were 
before substancially devysed, put in writyng, and by the 
said lorde Barges then spoken and uttred, lyke as the said 
president redde theym to hym. And that doon, the 
hands withdrawen and dysclosed as the maner is, the 
Kynge's sayd daughter, eftsones takyng the sayd Lord 
Barges by the hande, with mooste sadde and pryncely 
countenance, havynge noo maner of persone to reherse 
the wordes of matrymonye to hir uttred, spake parfittely 
and distinctly in the frensche tonge by a long circum- 
stance the wordes of matrymonye for hir partie, which 
by reason of the rehersall of his commission were veraye 
longe. Howbeit she spake the same without any basshing 
of countenance, stoppe or interrupcion therin in any 
behalfe ; which thynge caused dyverse and many, as wel 
nobles as other, then beying present and herynge the 
same, not oonly to mervayle but also in suche wyse to 
rejoyse that for extreme contente and gladnes the terys 
passed out of theyr ies. 

"After prolacion and utterance of which wordes ye sayd 
lord Barges, as procuratour to the sayde yonge Prynce, 


for corroboracion and confirmation of the sayde contract, 
not oonly subscrybed wrytyng conteignynge the wordes 
of matrymonye by hym uttred, lyke as my forsayed ladye 
dyde also for her partie, but also the sayd lorde in 
reverent maner kyssed the sayd ladye Marye and put 
a Kyng of Gold on hir finger, and in wyttenesse and 
testy monye of the sayd contract there were two notaries 
there beynge present requyred on both parties to make 
instruments upon the same. And all the lordes, ladyes 
and nobles heryng and seying the premysses then and 
there were desyred to bere wytnesse thereunto." * The 
ambassadors brought with them jewels for Mary ; one 
from Emperor Maximilian containing an orient ruby and 
a large and fair diamond garnished with large pearls ; 
another from the young prince, a K for Karolus 
garnished with diamonds and pearls engraved with these 
words, — " Maria optimam partem elegit quae non 
auferetur ab ea " : and a third from the Duchess of 
Savoy, a goodly balas (ruby) garnished with pearls. 
The ambassadors also carried a prim little letter from 
Charles to his " wife " with the date left blank, and on 
December 18, it was sent to Mary. 

" Ma bonne campaigne, Le plus cordialement que je 
puis a vo[tre] bonne grace me recommander. J'ai 
charge le s re de Bergh[es] et autres mes ambassadeurs 
ordonnez pardeca vous deviser [la] disposition de ma 
personne et de mes affaires, vous priant l[es] vouloir 
croire et par eux me faire savoir de votre sante [et] 
bonnes nouvelles qui est la chose que plus je desire [que] 

1 Pynson's Tract : " The solempnities and triumphs doon and made 
at the spousells of the King's daughter," printed by the Roxburghe 

Donee MSS., No. 198, Bodleian Library. 

Carmeliani Carmen, Grenville Library, B.M. 


sect le benoit filz de dieu auquel je prie ma bonne 
compfaigne] vous donner par sa grace ce que desirez. 

"A Malines xviii [in a different hand] jour de 

V re bon mary, 

Charles." 1 

The marriage was regarded by the Burgundian party 
in Flanders as a bulvyark against France, and an 
enthusiastic poet sang — 

Reveillez vous cueurs endormis 
Qui des Anglois estes amys 
Chantons Dame Maria. 

La Thoisan d'or et les pourpris 
Des Chasteaulx, Aigles et des litz 
Joyra Dame Maria. 

Marie fille du vray litz 
Henry septiesme Eoy de pris 
Prince sur tous les Princes, 

Delyvreia de grans ennuys 
Tout Flandres de ses ennemys, 
Remontant les Eglises. 

And so on through eight stanzas, the chorus being the 
opening one. 

Henry did not long enjoy his triumph, and the last 
months of bis life, secure now in the marriage with 
Castile, he spent in increasing the discomfort and 
misery in which he had kept the Princess of Wales 
for the last six years. He again postponed her 
marriage with Henry, and Katharine wrote in despair 
to her father that " it was impossible for her to endure 
any longer what she has gone through and is still 

1 MS. Galba B. iii. fol. 109. 


suffering from the unkindness of Henry, especially since 
he has disposed of his daughter in marriage to the Prince 
of Castile, and therefore imagines he has no longer 
any need 1 of" Ferdinand. Henry died on April 21, 
1509, and by his will, dated at Canterbury, April 10, 
Mary is provided for as follows : " And whereas 
we for the dot and marriage of our said daughter, over 
and above the cost of her traduction into the parties 
of Flanders, and furnishing of plate, and other her 
array ments for her person, jewels and garnishings for 
her chamber, which will extend to no little sum nor 
charge, must pay and content to the said prince of 
Spain the sum of fifty thousand pounds in ready money 
at certain dates expressed in the said treaty. . . . And 
in case it so fortune, as God defend, that the said 
marriage by the death of the said Prince of Castile, or 
by any other chance or fortune whatsoever it be, take 
not effect, but utterly dissolve and break, or that our 
said daughter be not married by us in our life, nor 
after the same have sufficient provision for her dot 
and marriage by the said three Estates, we then wol 
that our said daughter may have for her marriage fifty 
thousand pounds payable of our goods. ... So and 
in none otherwise that in her said marriage she be ruled 
and ordered by the advice and consent of our said son 
the Prince, his council and our said Executors ; and so 
that she be married to some noble Prince out of this 
our Realm." 

After her father's death Mary's life went on in much 
the same way as before, only to a faster note, for her 
brother was young, and her grandmother, the only check 
on the new fashions, died within a year of Henry. As 

1 C. S. P. Spain, i. 603. 


the time fixed for the consummation of her marriage 
approached she was given a schoolmaster in the French 
tongue. It is to be presumed that it was only in the 
year 1512 * that John Palsgrave became her master, for 
up to that date there is no mention of a schoolmaster 
in the accounts. Moreover, Palsgrave, in his book 
* Lesclarcissement de la lange Francoyse,' says that it 
was Henry VIII. who commissioned him " to instruct the 
right excellent princess your most dear and entirely 
beloved sister, queen Mary dowager of France, in the 
French tongue." Palsgrave writes himself down as 
" Natyf de Londres and gradue de Paris," and he pro- 
duced in 1530 the first French grammar for Englishmen. 
Henry had had as French master Giles Du Wys, called 
his luter in 1501, 2 and he had a "clear and perfect 
sight " in the language, but Mary had only had 
Jane Popincourt. Still, she must have known a little 
French, for, as has been seen, she had been able to 
recite her marriage contract in that language without 
a stammer. But much was to happen before Mary 
crossed the sea to speak the French she learnt from 
Master John Palsgrave. 

1 Book of King's payments, Exc. T.K., 215, f. 223 ; L. and P. H. VIII., 
ii. (part ii.), p. 1459. 

2 Wardrobe Accounts, Exc. K.K., Bundle 415 (10). 




ENRY VII. on his death-bed saw clearly that 
his policy of thwarting Ferdinand and 
seizing the government of Castile in favour 
of his son-in-law was not one which could be followed 
out by an inexperienced prince, and much as he dis- 
trusted Aragon, he knew it would be better that his son 
should have him for a friend at the outset than be 
entangled at once in his rancorous schemes. The prince 
must buy his own experience, and Henry's advice to 
him was to marry Katharine with all convenient speed, 
for naturally she could not remain a hostage in the 
young's King's hands as she had in those of his father. 
With the King's death dropped the policy of peace at 
any price, for his son was of the new age, eager to join 
in the battles of Europe and rich enough to afford him- 
self the gratification of military glory. More than once 
his father, distrusting all men, had fought for peace 
with his back to the wall, but Henry VIII. , who dreamed 
of entering Paris at the head of a victorious army, 
regarded distrust of Spain as a mere maggot in the 
paternal brain, and, with the wealth of the greatest 
pawnbroker in Europe at his back, was eager to take 
the offensive against France. 

For the first three years of his reign the King, new- 
married and happily, was guided by his father-in-law, 



and was merely a tool in his hands, and in spite of John 
Stile's warning from Valladolid, Henry did not doubt 
his goodwill. In order to understand Ferdinand's 
policy it must be borne in mind that he was influenced 
by a fear which overhung all his dealings with his allies 
and his enemies — the fear that Castile would rise 
against him in favour of its prince. Philip's order to 
void the country within twenty days l was never for- 
gotten, and he lived in hope that Charles might never 
emerge from a sickly boyhood, for though his daughter, 
Philip's widow, was a negligible quantity, his grandson, 
alas, was not. The greater part of Ferdinand's revenues 
were said to be derived from Castile. He made war and 
carried his arms into Italy, Africa and France at her 
expense, but legally his only status there was that of 
regent for his daughter, Queen Joanna, who existed at 
Tordesillas, watching there for the resurrection in ten 
years of her dead husband, Philip, and was, "of no 
sadness nor wisdom more than a young child and very 
feeble." 2 Her hysteria had been allowed to develop 
into clear craziness. Ferdinand trusted none of the 
Castilian nobles, who feared that his amity with Henry 
and the latter's marriage with Katharine would deprive 
them of English help for their prince. After the 
ratification of the marriage between Mary and Charles, 
he took into his own hands as precaution all the castles 
of Galicia, 3 for many of the nobles, like Gonsalvo the 
great captain, had offered their services secretly to the 
Emperor for their prince, and Ferdinand feared that 
Maximilian's success in Northern Italy might preface 
the revolt of Naples and Sicily to the Prince of Castile. 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4058 ; Vesp. C. i. 86. 

3 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 490 ; Vesp. C. i. 56. 3 Ibid. 


England had been ruled out of the Treaty of Cambrai as 
not having a stake in Italy, and now Ferdinand wanted 
to keep her neutral till it suited his convenience. So he 
proclaimed himself Henry's faithful friend, brother and 
ally, and said that he accounted all causes belonging to 
Henry, and himself, and the Queen's grace and the Lady 
Mary, his noble sister, and the Prince of Castile, as one 
thing and cause without variance, and that he governed 
Castile solely for the weal of the prince, " the whych ys 
and schalbe hys eyre of all hys landys after hys decesse." 
It was to be a nice little family party, with Ferdinand 
as paternal despot. He had not the faintest idea in 
the world of making Charles, whom he hated, his uni- 
versal heir, but in the wisdom of John Stile, the English 
agent in Spain, " wordes maye be spoken wythe dys- 
symulacyon." 1 There was, however, discord in the 
family. Ferdinand declared that though there was no- 
open breach between him and the Emperor, there was 
" a little grudge and variance for the governacyon of the 
realm of Castile," in which the Emperor was unreason- 
able, and he trusted Maximilian would soon be reformed 
with reason. At this moment he was working for some 
modus Vivendi with him concerning this " governacyon," 
and that once arranged, he intended to make common 
cause with him against France, whose Italian conquests 
were causing Spain great uneasiness. He made all his 
dealings with the Low Countries depend on this settle- 
ment, and refused to pay Lady Margaret's jointure, long 
in arrears, and other pensions owing to Flemish subjects, 
till that was settled. If the Emperor's future wa& 
unprosperous in Italy, Margaret was to have a slack 
answer, but if Maximilian sped prosperously, then 
1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 490 ; Vesp. C. i. 56. 


Margaret might have her jointure on condition that 
she negotiated the amity between the Emperor and 
Aragon. 1 

With France, as may be seen, Ferdinand did not 
mean to break till it served his purpose. In John 
Stile's words : — " as touching to the French King that he 
[Ferdinand] also intendeth for to continue in amity 
with him, as long as that your highness and your good- 
father shall think standeth with the honours and profits 
of your highnesses, and no longer nor otherwise ; the 
King your good-father being joyous and glad that your 
highness is in amity and good peace with all Christian 
princes, and his majesty not counselling nor advising 
your highness as yet for to move any war unto any 
outward prince, unless that great causes should move 
your highness there unto." 2 Verily a treaty solemnly 
sworn to on the Gospels and in sight of the Host was 
but a cloak to hide new sins against the amity ! In 
his great desire to keep his son-in-law entirely in his 
own pocket, and to forward this present policy, he had 
great difficulty in finding an ambassador to send to the 
English court : a natural Castilian was openly for the 
prince, an Aragonese for the French, and he ended 
by sending Luis Carroz, who was well tarred with 
his master's stick. 

After the contract at Cambrai the French, with their 
usual quick resoluteness, were first in the field in Italy, 
but their successes, culminating in the battle of Agna- 
dello, 14th May 1509, and the capture of the Venetian 
general d'Alviano, delighted no one but Maximilian, 
who hoped to find his opportunity in the weakness of 
the Venetians, and besieged Padua. The other members 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 490 ; Vesp. C. i. 56. 2 Ibid. 


of the League, Ferdinand and the Pope, feared both 
French and Emperor, and the one tore his beard 
and secretly received at Rome the Venetian envoys 
asking for help, while the other, who already saw 
Maximilian holding Naples for his grandson, allowed 
the Venetians to use his ships, and sent provisions from 
Naples to Venice, to re victual Padua. "II cherchait 
tenir toujours l'Empereur si bas qu'il ne pourroit lever 
la tete," grumbled Gattinare to Margaret, 1 but all the 
same to break with "ce marrano" would draw in its 
train trouble with Gueldres and difficulty in getting 
payment of the duchess's jointure, so those on the 
gangway between the Empire and France had to sit 
quietly waiting on opportunity. At this moment 
Maximilian was the only member of the League who 
was pursuing a single aim. He wanted to crush the 
Venetians. Ferdinand, while ostensibly trying to bring 
about an understanding with Maximilian, was secretly 
practising against him, and Louis XII. , at whose court 
Imperial, Burgundian and Spanish ambassadors were 
squabbling over their masters' affairs, was supposed 
to be furthering this amity between Ferdinand and 
Maximilian, but all the while was secretly moving 
against it. He said, for Maximilian had been rebuffed 
before Padua, that it was not a fair moment to treat, for 
" un homme recule ne fait jamais appointtement a son 
proflte, et que si Ton veult faire bon appointtement 
il la fault faire la lance sur la cuisse." 2 Just what 
Maximilian could not do. " Je ne scay quel Diable 
fait ses affairs si malheureux," 3 said the exasperated 
Burgundian agent De Burgo. However, by December 
24 an understanding had been arranged between 

1 Lettres de Louis XII., i. 189. 2 Ibid., 218. 3 Ibid., 231. 


the grandparents of Charles, and amity concluded. 
Naples was secured to Aragon, so far as Maximilian 
was concerned, and Ferdinand began to weave his 
web round France. 

He begged Henry, but secretly, for fear of the French 
getting wind of it (for the Spanish ambassador in 
France said that the French had their spies in England, 
and nothing was spoken in London but straightway it 
was known in Paris), to try and conclude a league 
between England, the Emperor, Spain, Flanders ; 
Portugal would join, and Spain would be secure, no 
stab in the back for her. Henry must write to 
Julius II. and ask him to join, " so that the said 
amity and lyage may be made and established 
before the French King shall have knowledge of the 
same." For, he lisped to John Stile through his 
lost front tooth, such a noble league came by the 
great power and mercy of Almighty God, as did 
the accord and amity between the Emperor and 
himself, so that the French King should not attain 
unto his cruel purpose to destroy and subdue all the 
countries of Italy. Under such high patronage he 
foresaw no difficulty in reconciling the Venetians and 
the Emperor, for simultaneous inspired advice from 
England, Spain and Rome was to make the Venetians 
restore to the Emperor all that they had of his, and 
Louis was to find himself alone and at bay before the 
kings of Europe. In order to bring Henry's interests j 
into the ring, Ferdinanpl emphasized the subtle policy 
of France, for, victorious in North Italy, she would turn 
her arms against the South, and wrest Naples from the 
crown of Castile and Aragon. All the same, till the 
-establishment of this great league he ordered Henry to 


pass the time with the French King in goodly terms — 
in fact, to do as did his father-in-law, and always lean 
to the best advantage. 1 So the English ambassadors at 
Rome were hand in glove with the Venetians, and daily 
plotted with them and the Aragonese to the great 
prejudice of the league of Cambrai. 2 

Time now revealed the weak point in Ferdinand's 
calculations. Maximilian would not be won over, and 
in spite of English and Aragonese practices Venice would 
not give up her conquests. So that the rotten rags of 
the league of Cambrai had to be patched together, 
and Ferdinand told Henry that he must give all aid to 
the kings of the league to destroy the Venetians. But 
whatever you do, live in peace with France, is the 
chorus of all his letters. How to do this while the 
Duchess of Savoy was asking persistently for help 
against the Duke of Gueldres, 3 and the Scots were buy- 
ing guns 4 in the Netherlands ? France was backing 
Gueldres as usual with men and money, and in reply to 
the complaints of the Flemish agents, Louis XII. only 
shook his head over " ce mauvais sujet" of a duke and 
wished the devi] might fly away with him for a disturber 
of the peace. Margaret must make what terms she 
could, so she turned to England. Henry was arming 
and preparing for events. He bought forty-eight guns 
from Hans Popenruyter, the gunfounder at Malines, 5 
and was to have them as cheap as the prince, said 
Margaret, who seized those bought by the Scots and 
resold them to Henry. 6 She said distinctly, however, that 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 796 ; Vesp. C. i. 43. 

2 Lettres de Louis XII., ii. 96. 

3 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 922 ; Galba B. iii. 5. 

4 Ibid., i. 924 ; Galba B. iii. 5. 

6 Ibid., i. 794 ; Galba B. iii. « md., i. 922. 


she would neither be party to the league with Aragon 
against France nor persuade her father thereto unless 
Henry promised help against Gueldres. 1 To defend the 
Flemish border against Gueldres was a left-handed way 
of making war on France, and Ferdinand would not 
approve. So Henry followed his " good-father's " advice 
and imitated him, and in April accepted the Golden 
Rose from Julius II., 2 while two months later he confirmed 
the treaty made with France in March 1910. 3 If 
Henry was Ferdinand in miniature, " Julius was Julius 
indeed," and in August a letter from him to Henry was 
intercepted by the French. Its contents were forwarded 
to Henry by Maximilian, who denied the truth of the 
Pope's statement that he and Ferdinand had entered into 
a league with the Papacy against France. This was 
only the Pope's evil plan to assist the Venetians u au 
contraire de la ligue de nous tous rois car les dits 
Veniciens ont gagne ses mignons et privez conseillers." * 
Louis XII. now wrote to James IV. of Scotland to 
remind him of the ancient league between their 
countries. 5 Henry, still passing the time with all 
parties, told the Pope he would join the league when 
Maximilian and Ferdinand did : 6 then he wrote to the 
Council of the Cardinals at Milan, supporters of and 
supported by France and Maximilian, promising assist- 
ance in settling 7 the perplexities of the Church ; and 
almost in the same breath he promised Ferdinand one 
thousand archers. 8 Hence Sir Robert Wingfield, am- 

i L. and P. H. VIII., i. 923 ; Galba B. iii. 7. 

2 Ibid., i. 976. 3 Ibid., i. 1105. 

4 Lettres de Louis XII., ii. 5. 

5 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 1407 ; R. MS. 13, B. ii. 52, B.M. 
fi Ibid., i. 1457 ; Vitell. B. ii. 18. 

7 Ibid., i. 1581 ; Vitell. B. ii. 11. 8 Ibid., i. 1622 ; Vesp. C. i, 18. 


bassador to the Emperor, was taken aback and perplexed 
by the demand that Henry should countenance the 
General Council at Pisa and the articles devised against 
the Pope which were set forward in the name of the 
Emperor and the French King, and he told the bishop 
of Gurk that the King would gladly have known the 
Emperor's mind before the imperial foot had been so 
far in the bushel. 1 The crux of the situation was 
Maximilian's attitude towards the Venetians, whose 
terms of peace he refused. Neither would he have 
aught to do with Pope or Aragon against France. 
Margaret, however, came to the rescue, for peace negotia- 
tions with Gueldres on the basis of the Duke's marriage 
with the Archduchess Isabeau, 2 sister to the Prince of 
Castile, had come to nothing, as they were meant to. 
She was still anxious for Henry's support in Flanders, 
and as the price he exacted was the alliance, she threw 
into that scale her influence with her father. So long, 
however, as the rumour ran that Ferdinand intended to 
put the crown of Naples on the head of the bastard of 
the Archbishop of Saragossa, to the prejudice of the 
Prince of Castile, Maximilian refused to have any- 
thing to do with him, 3 and Margaret wrote that until 
this suspicion was weeded from her father's mind, the 
League of the Holy Trinity, symbolized by the three 
princes, would never take place. Ferdinand's answer 
was to send the bastard to Malines as hostage. 4 In 
the naive blasphemy of the age Ferdinand and Henry 
were the father and son, so that the Third Person was 
the one symbolized by Maximilian. Louis XII. was 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., 1681 ; Vitell. B. xviii. 15. 

2 Ibid., i. 1417. 3 Lettres de Louia XII., ii. 154. 
4 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 3361 ; Galba B. iii. 11. 



watching Margaret, and, thanks to the French party in 
the Flemish Council and French merchants married to 
Englishwomen as spies in England, he lacked no news. 
He warned her that he had been told of her league, but 
affected not to believe the gossip. 1 However, by July 
he knew the truth, for Margaret's efforts had borne fruit 
for her gathering, and Henry, as hansel-money for the 
future league, sent Sir Edward Ponynges and 1500 
archers 2 into the Low Countries to help Castile against 
Gueldres. " Je suis adverty," said Louis XII. to 
Andreas de Burgo, " que ma cousine m'a fort pique* en 
Angleterre," and added one to the score against his 
former playmate. Matters moved secretly till October, 
when the Holy League against France between the 
Pope, Aragon and Venice was published, by which 
Ferdinand was to find the men and the other two 
the money for chasing the French from Lombardy. 
England joined it [November 151 1], 8 and now France 
had but one ally, whom she was exceedingly nervous 
about losing, and tried to steady by the offer of a marriage 
between Ren^e of France and the Archduke Ferdinand, 
brother to Charles. Maximilian coquetted with the 
league, and by the end of the year rumour had it that 
his ambassador, the ubiquitous Gurk, had already taken 
his lodging in Venice at St Paul's, and that Louis might 
make mince-meat of his duchy. 4 

At the French Court nothing was talked of but the 
possibility of an English invasion : 25,000 men said 
spies, " prets a monter en mer " and invade by Calais 
at any moment : and Louis was so irritable and 

1 Lettres de Louis XII., ii 289. 

2 Hall's Chronicle, ed. 1809, p. 523. 

3 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 1967. 4 Lettres de Louia XII., iii. 103. 


depressed that the whole Court was profoundly dis- 
couraged, 1 for Aragon and England were like to be two 
prongs in the back of the country. True, Gueldres could 
be loosed again on Flanders and the Scots on England, 
but the adage then as now was true, and vicarious 
warfare was seldom satisfactory. The old weapon of 
supporting a pretender to the English throne, blunt, 
rusty, and out of date as it had so rapidly become, re- 
appeared, and Eichard de la Pole, Captain of Almains, 2 
was styled and treated as King of England in France. 3 
A lean, blackavised French priest with a crooked eye- 
brow, Louis' faithful spy, 4 carried the correspondence 
between Pole and his family, which eventually led 
to the execution of Earl Edmund in the Tower. The 
taking of Brescia by the Duke of Nemours [February 
1512] cheered up the French Court, and by April, when 
the English King-at-arms arrived with Henry's defiance, 
? not in his coat but clad like a gentleman/' the English 
scarce had almost become vieux je% and the country 
had regained its poise. Henry said he had no choice 
but to make war in aid of his allies, the Pope and 
Aragon, and Louis replied if that was all, he did it with 
little reason. Still, the French King hoped to keep 
Margaret and the Emperor out of the alliance, while 
the English agents in Flanders were working hard to 
bring them within it, and to keep them to the old amity. 
The Governess of the Netherlands had one idea all 
through, the crushing of Gueldres, whose thieving raids 
and besieging excursions kept the eastern border in a 
state of harried poverty. The duke claimed sovereign 

1 Lettres de Louis XII., iii. ]01. 

■ L. and P. H. VIII., i. 3584 ; Vesp. C, i. 60. 

3 Ibid., i. 3320 ; Calig. B. vi. 65. 

i Ibid. i i. 4328; Galba B. iii. 113. 


rights which Flanders did not recognize, and France 
had always found it paid to support him. In conse- 
quence of the dual suzerainty, Imperial and French, to 
the Burgundian provinces, there were always two parties 
in the Flemish Council, the French and the Burgundian, 
or, as it was now, the English. The Burgundian was 
Margaret's party, and she over-rode the opposition 
of the French sympathizers, but she could not prevent 
their clogging the execution of her purposes by secret 
intrigues with France. Louis gave up all hope of 
detaching her from the English. Maximilian, on the 
other hand, was, in his fickleness, surer game than his 
daughter, for though in June [1512] he dismissed the 
French ambassadors from Brussels, telling them that if 
they would not go when they could, they should not 
when they would, 1 in October he was practising with 
Louis at Cologne. 

Between these months much happened to the un- 
fortunate English ambassadors who were attempting to i 
finish the negotiations begun with the Emperor in May. 
First Maximilian dismissed the French ambassadors. 
That looked hopeful. Then he refused to allow the 
gentlemen of Flanders to serve in Henry's army. Next | 
he demanded 100,000 crowns of gold down on declaring 
war with France, and said that the Pope or Aragon would , 
willingly give him as much. He knew his worth to the 
league ! Then he departed suddenly, saying the whole | 
business was safe in his daughter's hands. Now began 
endless delays. Margaret had no formal commission : * 
she did not think her father would be pleased to find 
himself in the same boat as the Venetians [the veriest abc 

i L. and P/'H. VIII., i. 3271 ; Galba B. iii. 31. 
2 Ibid., i. 3291 ; Galba B. iv. 33. 






of dealing with Maximilian] ; and the real reason was 
that by means of Duke George of Saxony, Gueldres had 
proposed a truce with the Emperor which Margaret was 
willing to accept. So the Governor of Bresse and the 
Count de Berghes, both Margaret's adherents in the 
council, fought shy 1 of Sir Edward Ponynges and Sir 
Thomas Boleyn, and the stomach of the English was 
much diminished by waiting. Margaret, " a perfect friend 
to England," suggested, after a couple of months' waiting, 
that they should fee the Emperor's secretaries to keep 
her commission in his memory, 2 and a fortnight later 
she asked Sir Thomas if he would lay a wager on its 
soon coming. Gladly, said he, and they shook hands 
on it ; a courser of Spain to an English hobby. 3 The 
Emperor's secretaries wanted to know the form the 
commission was to take. The English said the same as 
at Cambrai ; 4 that is, full powers to treat, and no doubt 
Margaret wanted that too, for when it did come in 
restricted form, at the beginning of September (though 
it was dated August 2 at Cologne) for a whole day she 
was so cross that the ambassadors could not see her. 5 
On September 4 they discussed the treaty, which was 
confined to Henry and Maximilian ; Flanders was to be 
neutral. The English said the Imperial alliance alone was 
dear at 150,000 ducats, and Henry refused to treat save 
on the previous understanding, which included Flanders. 
All this time the English army, sent to Guienne to 
invade France according to the treaty of the Holy League 
of November 1511, had been idly kicking its heels and 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 3306 ; Galba B. iii. 35d. 

2 Ibid., i. 3331 ; Galba B. iii. 37. 

3 Ibid., i. 3370 ; Galba B. iii. 40d. 

4 Ibid., i. 3387 ; Galba B. iii. 43. 

6 Ibid., i. 3396 ; Galba B. iii. 43d. 


waiting for Ferdinand to co-operate for the recovery of 
the province. But Ferdinand did nothing, and the 
men, wearied with idleness and worn by lack of victuals 
in a disorderly camp, mutinied and returned home in- 
gloriously in the Autumn 1 [1512]. In October, how- 
ever, there came rumours from the Bishop of Liege, 2 the 
centre of French influence in the Low Countries, of the 
defeat of the French in the south, and Maximilian broke 
off negotiations with Louis and turned to the English, 
with the result that Gueldres broke again across the 
Maas, with " good effect, for the inhabitants were in a 
manner fast asleep and are now awake." 3 The Duke's 
French reinforcements had an encounter with the 
Liegeois, and Maximilian himself was nearly kidnapped 
on his way from Cologne by the Duke's men, disguised 
as Burgundians. 4 But news of the impotence of the 
English excursion into Guienne soon became public 
property, and their undisciplined and disgraceful retreat 
was the joke of Court and camp. Margaret was 
annoyed for two reasons : the first that Gueldres was 
very active and that French negotiations had been 
broken off, and the second that the rich English were 
but reeds to lean on. So when in October Henry 
refused to pay 50,000 crowns for entertaining the Swiss 
against the French, 5 and asked that the Emperor's 
subjects (in the Low Countries) should be prevented 
from serving the French, the President of Bresse replied 
that Maximilian had prevented one thousand Swiss 
from taking French service, " which answer was so 
colorably made that a man might savour the color of it 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 3451 ; Vesp. C, i. 81. 

2 Ibid., i. 3435 ; Galba B. iii. 4Sd. 

3 Ibid., i. 3446 ; Galba B. iii. 49. 4 Ibid., i. 3489 ; Galba B. iii. 52b. 
5 Ibid., i. 3469 : Galba B. iii. 51. 


all the chamber." Then my Lady Margaret spoke 
" with a qualm of a little melancholy about her stomach " 
[Ponynges' way of saying she was in a great rage], " if 
ye be disposed to delay it [the treaty] we shall defer it 
as well as you," saying besides, that " Englishmen had 
so long abstained from war that they lacked experience 
from disuse and it was reported that they were now 
weary of it." She wrote to her father in this mood and 
caused more delays, 1 and when the ambassadors remon- 
strated, she said openly to them, "Where had we been now 
if this confederation had been concluded between your 
master and us ? " 2 All fair promises and sweet words, 
but no deeds, were to be found at Malines. From 
Scotland came the gibe that the English soldiers could 
not easily be induced to invade France or Gueldres after 
their Biscayan experience, 3 and though Henry declared 
that the return of the army was sanctioned by the King 
of Aragon and himself because of the constant rains in 
Guienne, and " the intolerable pains of the soldiers of 
our said army, which in the barren country had per- 
severantly lain in the fields," 4 no one believed his report 
The joke of the thing is, that, as a matter of fact, from 
September to January there reigned superb weather in 
Biscay that year. 5 Ferdinand said he believed that 
Henry had given secret orders for the return. 6 But the 
supreme insult came from Maximilian, who proposed that 
the command of the English army in France should 
be handed over to him while Henry remained in 
England. The Emperor counselled the King not to stir 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 3500 ; Galba B. iii. 526. 

2 Ibid., i. 3555 ; Galba B. iii. 54. 

3 Ibid., i. 3631, R. MS., 13 B. ii. 776. 

4 Ibid., i. 3555 ; Galba B. iii. 54. 5 Ibid., i. 3614 ; Vesp. C, i. 69. 
6 Ibid., i. 3662 ; Vesp. C, i. 24. 


out of his country, but to keep the people in awe and 
bridle the Scots. 1 He would take command for 100,000 
crowns. Nothing more was needed to increase Henry's 
war fever. He had a bull from Julius II. 2 granting 
indulgence to those who served in the holy war against 
France ; his agents were already in Italy buying armour, 
for the Frescobaldi had made a corner of it in Milan ; 3 
in Zeeland, collecting ships for the passage, where they 
bid against the French ; 4 in Flanders, buying horses and 
feeing men. 5 At home Wolsey was busy with military 
organization and his schemes for a more efficient com- 
missariat and transport, while Henry and Admiral 
Howard, following the admiral's advice, "for no cost 
sparyng, let provision be maad : for it is a weel-spent 
peny that saveth the pownd," 6 were working to bring 
the navy up to some sort of fighting standard. And 
into this busy Court, full of young men dreaming of 
loot and military glory, and enthusiastic old men like 
Sir Gilbert Talbot, who, having served Henry's father 
and grandfather, was now " minded so sore and purposed 
to have served the King's grace and in this journey, 
that I almost forgot God and set my heart on none other 
thing, but only how I might best serve his grace at this 
time," 7 came Maximilian's proposal. Gueldres saved 
the situation. His activity, veiled by renewed offers of 
truce, 8 inclined Margaret to the English as a poor prop, 
but her only one, and many Flemish nobles offered their 
services to Henry. 9 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 3648 ; Vitell. B. xviii. 27. 

2 Ibid., i. 3602 ; Rymer's Fcedera, xiii. 343. 

3 Ibid., i. 3658 ; Vitell. B. ii. 20. 4 Ibid., i. 3678 ; Galba B. iii. 98. 

5 Ibid., i. 3731 ; Galba B. iii. 64. 6 Ibid., i. 3877 ; Calig, D. vi. 337. 

7 Ibid., i. 4021. 8 Ibid., i. 3651 ; Galba B. iii. 96. 

» Ibid., i. 3731 ; Galba B. iii. 64. 


The final ruin to Henry's faith in his allies was to 
come very soon, and of it he was warned by John Stile 
from Valladolid. Ferdinand made a truce with the 
French for one year. It came about this way. The 
Emperor and the Pope, despairing of accommodation with 
the Swiss, had made a league together to the great dis- 
pleasure of Aragon, who, oddly enough, in view of what 
followed, resented that any league should be made sud- 
denly without his consent or England's. He also feared 
that such league would cause the Venetians to adjoin 
themselves to the French, and of a likelihood with the 
Turks, so that Louis would be stronger than ever. Anne 
of Brittany, the French Queen, was anxious for a Cis- 
alpine peace, and as a means to this end wanted to ignore 
English rights and marry the Princess Kene^e to Charles 
of Castile, with the duchy of Brittany as dowry. 1 
Ferdinand told Stile a fisher's tale 2 about his having 
dispatched the Provincial of the Grey Friars to England 
by way of France to be Queen Katharine's confessor, and 
that on his way he had been taken prisoner and carried to 
Blois, and that Anne had had him released and sent him 
back to Spain, carrying a letter of peace to the Queen of 
Aragon. All which ta]e was but nutshells, for the return 
of the Provincial with the letter was preached in open 
pulpit by a friar of his own order, who admonished the 
people to pray for peace. Ferdinand grasped at the pro- 
posed truce as a moment in which to gain strength to carry 
out his original plan for the complete isolation of France 
and the annexation of Navarre. So in devious pursuit 
of this plan, on March 16, 1513, new articles to the 
treaty with Aragon were signed in London, and Henry 
was again bled, and at Malines the Aragonese ambassador 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 3752. 2 Ibid., i. 3766 ; Vesp. C, i. 30. 


attempted to rid the Flemish council of Chievres and 
the French party and replace them with people more 
agreeable to his master, 1 while at Valladolid John Stile was 
told positively that the truce between France and Aragon 
was accomplished. 2 All fair writing and slack deeds in 
Spain also, "for the Spaniards," said Stile, " are by nature 
so hasty and envious to all strangers that they despise 
every man." 

Ferdinand did not succeed in ousting the French party 
at Malines, and it continued to grumble at the English 
in Zeeland, where it said they only made war on the 
Flemish and were so dull that they let French vessels 
pass unchallenged. 3 Lord Chievres, the head of it, made 
tremendous capital out of a carack belonging to one 
Andreas Scarella, the Sta Maria de Loretto, 4 which had 
been sold in Zeeland to the French, but the English got 
wind of the transaction and lifted her, cargo and all. 
The council said this interference was grossly impertinent, 
and were hot and intemperate over the matter, and not 
at all repentant for their " seditious " ways in favouring 
the French King, which made it impossible to conserve 
their ports and havens as Henry would have liked. 
They said they could do that well enough for them- 
selves without troubling the English. Henry had 
laid an embargo on all trade between the Low Countries 
and France, and he now offered if this matter were 
dropped to allow them to resume their trade under 
" letters testimonials," English captains to have the 
right of search. 5 However, in spite of the strength of 
the French party, on March 16 Maximilian, with a final 

1 L. and P. H. VIIL, i. 3805 ; Galba B. iii. 67. 

2 JW&, i. 3807 ; Vesp. C, i. 50. 

3 Ibid., i. 3817 ;; Galba B. iii. 104. 

4 Ibid., i. 3973. b Ibid., i. 3836 ; Vitell. B. xviii. 36. 


haggle over the rate of exchange, signed the treaty with 
Henry, who steadily refused to have any Swiss in his 
pay, saying that his army was so powerful that he hoped 
to lead it to Paris, "especially our father of Aragon 
making war against our said enemy." Next month, 
April, Henry knew of his father-in-law's perfidy, 1 but he 
passed the time in Spanish fashion, and went the length 
of forcing Ferdinand's ambassador to sign the treaty of 
the Holy League, concluded at Malines on April 5, 2 by 
which the Pope was to invade Dauphiny ; the Emperor, 
the trans- Alpine provinces ; Henry, Picardy, Normandy 
and Aquitane ; Ferdinand, Bearne and Languedoc. 
Luis Carroz swore to it publicly in St Paul's on April 
25, 3 and then wrote to Spain that in spite of Ferdinand's 
secret orders he had been forced to do so for fear of the 
consequences of refusal. 4 

As was to be expected, the Emperor, who quivered to 
every wind, again wavered at news of this Franco- 
Spanish truce. The news had reached him spiced (by 
Ferdinand) with the lie that Henry was privy to it, and 
though Wingfield indignantly told him that Henry was 
not " so light or of so little resolution to arm him at all 
pieces and then call for a pillow," 5 he said that if Henry 
entered the truce he would also. However, in the end, 
stiffened by resentment and by the English attitude, he 
definitely ordered his subjects in the Low Countries to 
serve Henry, and the Count de Ligny and others took 

All this time the English had been skirmishing with 

1 L. and P. H. VIIL, i. 3766 and 4267 ; Vesp. C, i. 30 and 40. 

2 Ibid., i. 3859, R. 

3 Ibid., i. 3861 ; Rymer's Fcedera, xiii. 363. 

4 Ibid., i. 4267 ; Vesp. C, i. 40. 

6 Ibid., i. 4069 ; Vitell. B. xviii. 39. 


the French in the Calais Pale 1 and the Welshmen of the 
garrison had done some damage. Sampson Norton, the 
head of the arsenal, had been taken prisoner, and the 
French party at Malines tried to prevent his exchange. 2 
The English fleet had been exercising in the channel in 
March, a brave show, and now letter packets need not 
be dropped overboard to save them from French hands. 3 
In April the organization of the land forces was 
approaching something like order, and the fleet was 
sailing along the coast of Brittany, which Howard 
hoped to make a desert for many a year, looking for 
the enemy. Never was such a navy seen, and Prejan 
and his French fleet dare not hove in sight, so the 
gallant admiral went to find them and his death. But 
if French ships were not in evidence in the channel, 
French agents were thick in Flanders. The Count de 
Ligny was balked in raising troops for England by a 
" lord bearing a French order," 4 who warned the towns 
against him as a favourer of the English, and Louis 
told the Ghentois they would rue any help they gave. 
Sir Robert Wingfield, carrying the treaty from Brussels 
to the Emperor at Trier for ratification, found that 
" French crowns fly far," 5 and twice on his journey 
he barely escaped ambuscades. The second one was 
laid by the son of Robert de la Marck, who a week 
before had taken four Englishmen to his father's castle 
at Hesdin. The Franco-Spanish truce was soon 
common property, and Margaret had an anxious moment, 
but she was relieved when the English ambassadors 
told her of the noble deeds at sea of their countrymen 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 3744 ; Calig. E., ii. 115. 

2 Ibid., i. 3362 ; Galba B. iii. 39d. 3 Ibid., i. 3659. 
4 Ibid., i. 3916 ; Galba B. vi. 120. 

6 Ibid., i. 3945 ; Vitell. B. xviii. 37. 


against the French, and " she took a letter out of her 
purse wherein the tidings were written concerning the 
bruit and common rumour of the truce between the King 
of Aragon and the French King, and brake the said letter, 
casting it on the ground saying these words, " Let the 
universal bruit and vulgar opinion give place to the 
truth." 1 

Ferdinand was furious at the English attitude, for he 
felt his golden goose had passed out of his hand, and he 
was not calmed by the news of the victory at Brest 
and the burning of the French ships. He raked up all 
the old grievances against the marriage of Mary and 
Charles, pointed by the fact that Charles was now riper 
in years, and would soon be of age. In May the 
dreaded league between France and Venice was known 
at Valladolid, and it weighed greatly on his stomach 
that the shrewd turn he had hoped to play France was 
likely to recoil on his own head, for Maximilian and 
Henry were sure to remain allied. He was right, but 
it was touch and go with Maximilian. The Emperor 
said roundly to Wingfield, who came up with him at 
Augsburg, that if France were to regain Milan he would 
have enough to do there without actually invading 
France, though Louis were " the most worthy vitupere 
of any prince living." However, a couple of days later, 
in Augsburg Cathedral, after mass sung by his own 
chapel with exquisite organs, with his hand on the 
Gospels and Canon he swore to the treaty with Henry. 2 
There seemed some chance of his holding to his oath 
this time, for his words appeared " to pass more roundly 
than they were wont to do." Alas for hopes ! Two 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 3962 ; Galba B. iii. 25. 

2 Ibid.. i. 4069 : Vitell. B. xviii. 39. 


days had hardly passed [17th May 1513] ere a wind 
from the south veered him round. The Venetians and 
the French were allied, and he told Wingfield that had 
he been advertised of these news he would never have 
sworn, and now it was as impossible for him to send 
an army to France as it was for a man who had promised 
to run a furlong to do so if he broke his leg. But he 
said he would do his best to run out the remainder on 
a stilt. Poor Wingfield ! " The French," he groaned, 
" are so subtle that they can blind and corrupt the 
whole world." 1 Margaret, however, was steadfast and 
impervious to French corruption, and said she felt her- 
self safe from France behind English arrows, 2 but the 
French party in her council left few stones unturned 
in their efforts to avert war. Charles' Spanish secretary 
was sent secretly into France to try and break the 
treaty of marriage between Mary and the prince, and 
to practise a negotiation between Louis XII. and the 
Emperor. 3 Louis said that Margaret and Lord Berghes 
had assisted the English against the opinion of the 
council, and he kept for them a pens£e. It took the 
familiar form of Gueldres at this moment. Ferdinand, 
said spies at Blois, was called a traitor in France, and 
so he was, for at Malines he posed as Henry's friend, 
and rated Margaret for not giving him adequate 
assistance. He begged her to ask the King of England 
to use his counsel, and promised to assent to anything 
that would advance the amity with England, and also 
re- assented to the marriage treaty. " A very wise 
prince," said Margaret, " in whose subtle understanding 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., L 4078 ; Vitell. B. xviii. 45. 

2 Ibid., i. 3915 ; Harl. 3462, 32. 

3 Ibid., i. 4328*; Galba B. iii. 113. 


is comprised many profound matters : his mind and 
intent are good." 1 

The defeat of the French at Novarro set all Eome 
daily expectant to hear of their extermination by the 
English in Picardy, while experts in Germany shook 
their heads over such a possibility. 2 They said that the 
advantage lost last year in Guienne would not be easily 
recovered. Wingfield expressed the English feeling of 
confidence when he wrote " but such is God and better 
which only is the head of your enterprise, and hath 
given the noble courage and hardiness to elect of your- 
self the cost, travell and jeopardy, to attain the honour 
and glory that must needs follow." 3 

1 L. and P, H. VIII., i. 4296 ; Galba B. iii. 115. 

2 Ibid., i. 4216 ; Galba B. iii. 83. 

3 Ibid. 



THE musters of the mercenaries had been fixed 
for Dunkirk on May 20, and the captain of 
the vanguard, the Earl of Shrewsbury, was to 
be at Calais on the 16th, 1 but, as is so often the case, 
paper plans drawn by able clerks did not develop rapidly 
into accomplished facts, and by the 19th nothing was 
ready. 2 What a muddle it all reads, and the marvel is 
that any men were ever shipped at all ! First all the 
shipping had to be pressed or borrowed, and the hoys had 
to be hired in the Low Countries or along the English 
coast and towed to the embarking or loading ports. Then 
the victuallers had to be loaded in the Thames and at 
Sandwich, and brought round to the ports where were 
the hoys or ships. There was hardly a man in England 
but was pressed for the King's service and wore his 
coat ; the very carters of Kent and Sussex sported the 
white and green as they cracked their whips by their 
horses' sides on their way to Sandwich, while all the 
able-bodied men south of Trent were on their way to 
Dover or Southampton with journey money in their 
pockets and the King's coat on their backs. As 
company after company arrived they had to be housed 
till transport was found for them, and for two days' 
journey inland round Southampton the country was 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4008 ; Galba B. iii. 77. 

2 Ibid., 4094. 

4 8 


swarming with men waiting to be embarked. 1 Fox, 
bishop of Winchester, was worrying through with the 
business of transport there ; Lord Mountjoy had been 
sent in a hurry to superintend the Cinque Ports, 2 and 
the victuallers, while Wolsey, the King's almoner, was 
worn to a shadow 3 in London in the endeavour to deliver 
into life his admirably sketched plans for organization. 
Human nature is not passive pen and ink, and then as 
now what is called the English lower middle class was 
absolutely undisciplined. If you doubt it, think of the 
Biscay performance in 1512, and more recent muddles 
since. Waste, leakage and unpunctuality were the 
opening notes of the proceedings, but it is only fair to 
add that during the whole campaign there was no lack 
of wholesome victual and in consequence no epidemic. 
Fox, appalled at the sight of the undisciplined army of 
brewers, bakers, coopers, smiths, horsekeepers, millers, 
etc., invading the port, and overwhelmed at the thought 
of the oxen from Lincoln and Holland, the ling, the 
cod, bacon, beer, biscuit, to say nothing of the tankards, 
platters, and cauldrons needed to feed the host, longed 
for the arrival of Charles Brandon and Lord Howard. 4 
But Sir Charles was court- bound having just been made 
Lord Lisle by his adoring King, and Lord Howard, 
admiral of the Fleet in the room of his late brother, 
whose gallant death a month ago at Brest had retrieved 
the honour of the English nation, was wind-bound at 
Plymouth, and could do nothing either by way of 
scouring the narrow seas to ensure the safe passage of 
the hoys and men, or in assisting to bring order out of 

1 L. and P. H. VIIL, i. 4094. 
1 Ibid., 4083 ; Rymer's Feeders, xiii. 369. 

3 Ibid., 4103. Hbid., 4094. 



chaos. He was waiting impatiently for the next wind 
to bring him round to the Wight, refused all leave to 
his men and raised a gallows at the water- edge as a grim 
gloss upon his order. 1 The victuallers' ships had not 
come from Sandwich and transport from the west was 
wind-bound with the fleet, but Fox muddled on, sure 
that once Howard came with Lord Lisle things would 
hum to the right tune. They evidently did, and Henry 
himself came down privately with Lisle to see the 
vanguard's departure. 2 Lisle's large retinue went with 
it, chaplains, flfers, Blind Dick the minstrel and all, 
but Brandon himself remained behind to cross with the 
King on a hypothetical June 15. 

On June 13 the vanguard, " all picked men armed 
with corselets, bracelets, sallets and gorgets and over 
their armour a coat of white and green, the King's 
colours," 3 set out for the object of attack, the town of 
Therouenne. This frontier fortress, so important that 
it was called " La chambre du Roy " * barred the way 
to the attack of the towns on the Somme, for the French 
had retired into the towns and castles and meant to 
wear out the invaders by a prolonged series of sieges. 
Louis XII. was at Amiens and the French army was 
under the command of the Duke of Bourbon and the 
Duke of Angouleme, while the army of Picardy, which 
was in force at Boulogne and Montreuil, was under 
the Sieur de Piennes. Five miles a day was an average 
march for the English army, but it was not till twelve 
days after their departure from Calais that Bluemantle 
summoned the town. " Verily, my lord, it was a strong- 

1 L. and P. H. VIIL, i. 4076 ; Calig. D. vi. 102. 

2 Ibid., 4095, and 4169. 

3 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 250. * Ibid., i. 311. 


hold ; the ditches on the outside were so deep that 
a man walking and looking into them feared for falling 
to come nigh to the banks ; gaily wooded upon the 
banks and bushed with quick-set every corner, and 
wide walls and other full of great bulwarks, and beside 
the walls in the inside mightily fortified with great 
trenches, many bulwarks made with timber and earth, 
and in certain places of the said trenches sundry deep 
pits for to have made fumigations, to the intent that 
men upon the assaulting of the same should have been 
poisoned and stopped." 1 Thus it was described by an 
eloquent Welshman, and before this stronghold the 
English vanguard sat themselves down, awaiting the 
main ordinance which was to come with the King. 
They could not secure their line of communication with 
the Calais Pale, and on the 27th they tasted French tactics 
when the garrisons from Boulogne and Montreuil cut 
in near Ardres, and carried off 100 wagons of victuals 
escorted by 500 men. Two hundred green and white 
coats lay on the field, but the only dead French things 
were twenty horses. 2 The Flemish governor of Bethune 
gave the English a poor character ; they made " but 
easy their skultwachis " and the Welshmen amongst 
them did great hurt to the Prince's subjects. 3 

On June 30, the day after a terrible storm which 
wrecked the shipping and ruined much victual, the 
watchmen on the Tour du Guet at Calais saw the 
King's fleet approaching before the north wind, a sight 
such as Neptune had never seen before, and at once 
there was such a firing of guns from ships and walls 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4431. 

Ibid., i. 4284 ; Cleopat. C, v. 64. 
3 Ibid., i. 4322 ; Galba B., iii. 119. 


and ringing of bells from the towers that " you would 
have thought the world was coming to an end." From 
the deck of his beloved Mary Rose, the fastest sailer in 
the fleet, Henry passed by the Lanternegate through 
the streets of Calais in procession, headed by the 
bishops and priests, to the church of St. Nicholas to 
give thanks for his safe crossing, and returned to his 
lodging at the Staple to give the ud popular order for 
the burning of " little Whitesand," whose villagers had 
the day before plundered an English ship driven ashore 
in the storm. The soldiers were ashamed to do the 
work. 1 For the next three weeks Henry amused 
himself well at Calais, practising archery with his guard 
and beating them all, holding revels and receiving 
embassies from Flanders, the Duke of Brunswick and 
the Emperor. Maximilian suggested that as conquest 
was their object, they should cut into the heart of the 
matter at once, and Henry should meet him at Rheims, 
to be there sacred King of France, 2 a suggestion which 
did not appear as absurd to Henry " King of France " 
as it does to us. But Henry had come out to fight, and 
now with his army swelled by 8000 German mercenaries, 
" who did not respect churches," the host set out led 
by Maximilian's guides in leisurely disorder, all along 
the line the baggage, drawn by English horses, muddled 
with the ordnance and its Flemish mares. The first 
night in camp it simply poured and the tents were 
hardly protection, but Henry was up all night, no 
doubt boyishly pleased at tasting at last the hardships 
of real war, and rode about the camp at three in the 
morning to visit the watch and comfort them with 

i L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4284 ; Cleopat. C., v. 64. 
2 Ibid., i. 4355 ; Galba B., iii. 126. 


a "Well, comrades, a bad beginning means a good 
ending, God willing." The low-lying country drained 
by broad ditches which served the folk as water-ways, 
was deep in mud, and the tracks were almost impassable. 
One of the guns called the "twelve apostles," cast in 
Flanders, was lost in a pond and the Frenchmen 
hanging invisible on the flank of the army, cut to 
pieces the party sent back to extricate it. De Piennes 
now threw himself across the King's line of march, and 
next morning Henry in person drew up the army in a 
fog so dense that nothing could be seen. When it 
cleared away there were the French, who challenged 
any Englishman to single combat, and many encounters 
took place, " a pleasant sight if a man's skin had not 
been in hazard." Afterwards the engagement became 
general, and the Welsh put the French to flight, and 
yet another apostle fell into the enemy's hands. 1 Not 
till August 1. was the royal camp pitched before 
Therouenne, and what a camp ! " Peter Corse, merchant 
of Florens" did his best with his 578 men at 6d. a day 
to make it notable with canvas, blue buckram, whited 
Normandy cloth, Brussels' saye, green saye and red 
saye, with signs and fringes and ribbons. The King's 
retinue had forty- six halls or tents varying from 
24 x 12 ft. to 15 x 15 ft., each flying its sign of the Red 
Rose, the Red Rose and White, the Flower de Lyce, 
the Moon, the Red, the Blue, the Green, the White, 
the Gold, and the Black Shield, and so on. Sir Thomas 
Windham, the Treasurer, flew the Annewe of Gold, 
the Yellow Face was kept for strange ambassadors, 
while in the Chalice the chaplains sang mass openly for 
the host, and there was one provided with beds "for 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4284 ; Cleopat. C., v. 64. 


the surgeons to dress men." l The King's own lodging 
was a veritable canvas house, the different rooms 
connected by passages 10 ft. wide. "The King, for 
himself, had a house of timber with a chimney of iron, 
for his other lodgings he had great and goodly tents of 
blue water- work garnished with yellow and white, 
divers rooms within the same for all offices necessary ; 
on the top of the pavilions stood the King's beasts 
holding faces, as the Lion, the Dragon, the Greyhound, 
the Antelope, the Dun Cow ; within, all the lodging 
was painted full of suns rising." 2 Little doubt Queen 
Katharine had insisted on the wooden sleeping house 
(and with surprising thriftiness the hut used in the Court 
revels was sent over), for her letters attest her almost 
maternal anxiety for his health and life, with these 
"nothing can come amiss to him." 3 The field was gay 
with banners, ensigns and flags of every description : 
every gentleman from knight to earl flew his own, but 
the weather was very foul, and it rained night and day, 
and everything gorgeous was ruined. 

The ordnance was planted as soon as it lumbered in 
from the muddy ways, bombards, apostles, curtews, 
culverins, Nurembergs, lizards, minions and port-guns, 
and the houses inside the town were " very sore beaten 
with guns, and such importunate and continual shot made 
with guns into the same, that no person might stir in 
the streets." 4 The besieged were not idle, however, 
and not a day passed without victims in the English 
camp to a certain turf-covered rampart on the walls, 
where were the most deadly guns, and daily the garrison 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4629. 

2 Hall's Chronicle, ed. 1809, p. 543. 

3 L. and P. H. VIIL, i. 4398 ; Calig. D. } vi. 93. 

4 Ibid., i. 4431. 


sallied forth and did damage, and messengers covered 
by the sally even rode through the English camp and 
away. The French light horse, stradiots and others, 
hovered round the camp cutting off stragglers, attacking 
convoys, and never coming to a decisive engagement, 
nor exposing themselves unnecessarily. They had 
opportunity to exercise their tactics for the camp, ruled 
by " deux opiniatres," Lisle and Wolsey, who were as 
new to the business as Henry himself, was badly kept, 
and the soldiers were so mad against the French, and 
so eager that they often ventured too hardily. 1 Henry 
was the keenest of the whole army, too keen for his 
wife's peace of mind, and Wolsey had to write and 
reassure her. 2 

Since Henry's arrival the Emperor had been at 
Oudenarde, but at last feeling sure that the English 
King was wasting both time and treasure at Therou- 
enne for lack of expert advice, 3 and moreover to justify 
his wages, after a farewell supper with the Archduchess 
at Sotenghien, he set out for Aire, while the Lady 
Margaret by easy stages made for St Omer with her 
whole council, who were scared to death at this near 
approach to the field. 4 Henry rode to Aire to meet 
Maximilian on August 10, eager for his first sight 
of Cami. It poured torrents, and the interview was 
short. 5 The contrast must have been striking between 
the rather shabby looking man of medium height clad 
in black velvet, white-faced, wide-nosed, grey-bearded, 
a frank shrewd glance and amiable manner, 6 but with 
an indescribable carriage of dignity which marked him 

1 Lettres de Louis XII., iv. 189. 

2 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4365 ; Calig. D., vi. 92. 

3 Ibid., i. 4389 ; Vitell. B., xviii. 56. 4 Ibid. 
6 Ibid., i. 4284 ; Cleopat. C, v. 64. 6 IUd. 


above all ; and the auburn- haired, blue-eyed, ruddy- 
young giant towering above him, clad no doubt in his 
favourite cloth of gold, and boyishly frank in his 
greeting. Everyone seems to have felt the charm of 
Henry's bluff unsuspicious manner, and Maximilian was 
no exception, " for during the whole journey the 
Emperor showed the greatest condescension, declaring 
publicly that he came to be of use to the King of 
England, and calling the King at one time his son, 
at another his King, and at another his brother." 1 
Maximilian had a well developed dramatic sense, and 
he enjoyed playing the part of hired captain and chief 
military adviser to the splendid young King whose 
magnificence and extravagance, only equalled by his 
naive inexperience, impressed the frugal and penniless 
Emperor. So " the King's highness and the Emperor 
be together and have every other's counsel with the 
most amiable loving wise that can be thought." 2 

From the moment the Emperor came into the camp 
on August 12, to visit the trenches, things began to 
march. The evening before Ross Herald had brought 
the defiance of the King of Scots, and for all reply from 
Henry had got, " Let him do it in God's name ! " for the 
Scottish march was well guarded. Two days afterwards 
Henry, anxious in spite of his impatient bravado, was 
tres joyeux at the news sent by the Swiss that they 
were on the point of entering France. 'Twas a good 
answer to Ros3, and increased the ardour of the captains 
for the assault of Therouenne. Maximilian was averse 
to the attempt, but Henry and his council had set 
their hearts on it, saying they could hardly raise the 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4284 ; Cleopat. C, v. 64. 

2 Ibid., i. 4431 ; MS. apud Sdr John Trevelyan. 


siege without loss of prestige, 1 and every man said in 
his heart, Eemember Guyenne. A few days before 
Captain de Fonterailles had managed to throw men into 
the town, and at last the Emperor gave way and, 
preparatory to the assault, ordered the camp to be 
moved across the stream towards Guingate. This was 
hardly accomplished at dawn, when the alarm was given 
that the French were approaching. 2 It was a convoy 
of provisions and they sent forward a large company to 
draw off the English, as they had done once before. The 
accounts of the battle are as usual confusing. It would 
seem from the French account that having thrown in 
the victuals they were returning in careless disorder, 
hawking in the fields, their leaders riding without 
helmets on small horses and mules, when the English 
fell on them from an ambuscade. The English account 
says Henry followed the French all day and then 
attacked. 3 What probably happened was that the 
Emperor who refused to have his standard spread, 
saying he was the servant of the King and St George, 
"with 2000 men kept them at bay until 4 p.m.," 4 by 
which time Henry having turned their position at a 
place called Bomye 5 (the camp was. Guingate), attacked 
them unexpectedly, utterly routed them, and took 
many prisoners of great price. This was on Tuesday, 
August 16. Henry was mad with joy, especially at 
the number and quality of the prisoners to whom he 
gave good greeting on their arrival at camp. Louis 
d' Orleans, Due de Longueville and Marquis de Kothelin, 
was the most important, and him Henry clad in a gown 

1 Lettres de Louis XII., iv. 192. 

2 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4284 ; Cleopat. C., v. 64. 

3 Ibid., i. 4431. 4 Lettres de Louis XII., iv. 195. 
« L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4431. 


of cloth of gold, and on going to table caused him to be 
served with water for his hands and to dine with him. 
The Duke said, " Sir, I will not." The King rejoined, 
"you are my prisoner and must do so," and displayed 
great graciousness. 1 After Longueville came in im- 
portance M. de Boissi, nephew of the late Cardinal 
of Rouen, who was taken but concealed against the 
laws of honour by Lord Walham, son of Lord Berghes, 
for use in treating with Gueldres. 2 Prisoners of 
condition were expected to pay 4000 ducats, but the 
King always reduced it to 2000 saying to the captor, 
" I'll pay the rest." A common soldier was w T orth 20 
ducats, and if he had this on him he was merely 
stripped and set at liberty, 3 but in spite of all 
Henry's care there were the usual quarrels between 
Almains and English over their captures. All the 
more important prisoners were sent to Aire on 
the way to England, and Katharine was rather 
upset at having to provide lodgings for Longue- 
ville in the midst of her preparations to meet the 
Scots. She sent him to the Tower till she had more 
leisure. 4 

The battle of the Spurs decided the fate of Therouenne, 
and on the 22nd Pontdormi, captain of the garrison, 
demanded a parley, at which terms of surrender were 
agreed on with the Earl of Shrewsbury, and on St 
Bartholomew's Eve, August 23, the garrison marched 
out through the camp in the sight of the Emperor 
and Henry, with banners flying, helmets on their 
heads and lances on their thighs, 4000 as fine soldiers 

1 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 288. 

2 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4418 ; Galba B. iii. 88. 

3 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 288. 4 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4432. 
6 Ibid., i. 4284 ; Cleopat. C. v. 64. 


as any prince would wish to have, 5 having prudently 
destroyed their guns before leaving. Next day, St 
Bartholomew's, their majesties entered the city. Maxi- 
milian effaced himself with his usual politic good- 
nature, and Henry rode through the gates unlocked by 
the Earl of Shrewsbury, a veritable St George clad in 
gilt and graven armour, his coat of silver damask and 
white satin, his horse's trappings the same, with red 
crosses. Close behind him came Lord Lisle also in 
silver and white, and after him "a goodly company of 
estates, men-at-arms, henchmen all richly apparelled " 
in green velvet and cloth of silver. At the gate he 
was met by Maximilian, dressed in black velvet with 
only six henchmen as sombrely clad, who came as a 
private person (though the town was claimed as 
Burgundian) and together they entered the city. The 
streets were filled with people and along the way to the 
Cathedral, where again the Emperor yielded the place 
of honour, they pressed about Henry crying, " Welcome, 
most merciful King." After an anthem to Our Lady 
and another to St George sung in the King's Chapel of 
the Cathedral, the procession returned to the gates 
where their majesties separated, Maximilian returning 
to Aire and Henry to his camp. In spite of Henry's 
promise to treat the inhabitants as his own subjects, 
the city was claimed by the Burgundians and handed 
over to them. They destroyed it with fire, and then 
Henry set 800 labourers to blow up and pull down the 
fortifications so that one stone did not rest on another, 
and only the Cathedral remained. From Aire Maxi- 
milian retired to Lille, leaving Henry at Guinegate, for 
he made war with ceremony, and the spirit of the 
middle ages lingered in his camp, so that by the law of 


arms, "for in case any man should bid battle for the 
besieging and getting of any city or town, then the winner 
to give battle and to abide for certain days," 1 he was 
compelled to remain on the field awaiting the pleasure 
of the enemy. But though he remained a week at 
Guingate the French did not seek him out, and he 
followed the Emperor to Lille. 

Henry and Maximilian had dined, and drank, and 
amused each other like brothers, and Maximilian had 
fallen in love with Mary's picture and said he would 
like to have her for himself 2 now that he was again in 
the marriage market. He had also dangled the imperial 
crown before Henry's eyes so that the King not only 
dreamed of entering Paris in triumph, but saw himself 
Emperor of Germany. But Maximilian was not there 
for a picnic only, and he and Wolsey had also come to 
understand each other. In fact Maximilian for the 
moment " was taken for another man than he was 
before thought," 3 and the negotiations for the near 
marriage of Mary and Charles went on satisfactorily. 
Margaret offered to come and join the conference at Aire, 
but the Emperor's servants were more satisfied with her 
room than her presence for they could rule him more 
easily without her, so she sent Lord Berghes to represent 
her and to know the Emperor's pleasure when she should 
meet the King. 4 The Spanish agents were hovering about, 
and Margaret desired to prevent Henry's resentment 
coming to open rupture with Ferdinand, so she wrote 
sharp letters to her father telling him not to whet the edge 
of Henry's anger, and to Henry's agent she said that she 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4431. 2 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 292 and 301. 

3 L. and P. H. VIII. i. 4417 ; Calig. D., vi. 94. 

4 Ibid., 4418 ; Galba B., iii. 88. 


was satisfied that all the default lay with the Spaniards 
"but she is always of opinion that your grace should 
dissemble and cherish them if any other way cannot be 
found." l So sharp were her letters that Maximilian 
said if she wrote like that again he would take the 
government out of her hands. 2 By September 5, the 
preliminaries were satisfactorily arranged ; a treaty of 
alliance had been signed by Maximilian, Henry and 
Ferdinand ; Maximilian had been paid in full for his 
services under St George 3 ; and Henry set out for Lille 
where he was to meet Margaret. On the 11th the town 
rising like an island out of the marsh 4 was reached. The 
English encamped at a short distance from it, and when 
things were in order thither came the Lord Ravenstein 
" which after his humble reverence done, showed the King 
that the young Prince of Castile, Charles, and the Lady 
Margaret, governess of the said Prince, most heartily 
desired him for his pastime after his long travail to 
come and repose in his town of Lille and to see his 
brother the prince and the ladies of the court of 
Burgundy, saying that it became not ladies to visit him 
in his martial camp which to them was terrible. " 
Indeed Margaret told her father that nothing would 
induce her to " troter et aller visiter les camps pour le 
plaisir." 5 The King " gentelly " accepted the invita- 
tion, and " mounted on a courser his apparel and barde 
were cloth of silver of small quadrant cuttes traversed 
and edged with cut cloth of gold, the border set full of 
red roses, his arms fresh and set with jewels," he set out 
accompanied by the faithful Lisle and followed by Sir 

1 L. and P. H. VIIL, i. 4433. 

2 Le Glay Lettres de Maximilien et Marguerite d'Autriche, ii. 206. 

3 L. and P. H. VIIL, i. 4435. 4 Ibid., 4284. 
6 Le Glay, op. cit. ii. 203. 


Harry Guildford and the henchmen. They were con- 
voyed by Ravenstein and many noblemen. About a 
mile out of the town they met the burgesses of Lille 
who presented Henry with the keys of the town, which 
Henry graciously returned saying he trusted them no 
less than his own subjects. After this came the nobles 
of Flanders, Brabant, Holland and Hainault to salute 
him, and further on Count Frederic of the Palatinate. In 
fact such a crowd was on the road that it was a wonder 
any were left in the town, girls offered crowns and 
sceptres and garlands, while outlaws and malefactors 
with white wands in their hands besought pardon. At 
last through the throng the gates were reached, where 
stood the captain of the town with the well-appointed 
garrison, and the procession headed by Henry's sword 
and mace-bearers pressed through the narrow street of 
the city set, though it was broad day, on each side with 
burning torches, so that there was scarce room for the 
riders to pass to the palace. Gay tapestries hung from 
the houses and at frequent intervals there were divers 
goodly pageants of the histories of the Old and New 
Testaments and of the poets. At the door of the Gothic 
palace built by Jean Sans Peur were waiting the 
Emperor, Lady Margaret and the Prince of Castile, 
" who humbly saluted him, and then for reverence of 
the Emperor the King caused his sword to be put up 
and his maces to be laid down, and then the King and 
all other nobles lodged and feasted." 1 

But their travail was not yet ended, for the city of 
Tournay was to be reduced to submission. The 
Tournois were a double-faced folk, the nobles were for 

1 Hall's Chronicle, ed. 1809, p. 553 ; L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4284 ; 
Cleopat. C, v. 64. 


Burgundy, the merchants and people for France, and 
the city had not made submission on the death of 
Charles the Bold but had claimed freedom under 
French protection. They had been thick with the 
French while assuring Burgundy of their loyalty, and 
now they were to take their punishment at the hands 
of Burgundy's magnificent ally. On the 15th, after the 
Lille meeting, when Henry and his favourite captured 
Margaret's heart, the English camp was pitched under 
the walls of Tournay, a city whose beauty " no one can 
conceive who has not seen it," * what with its bridges 
over the Schalde, its water-mills, its splendid buildings. 
From out its three miles circumference rose ninety 
towers and it was second only to Paris in population. 
Guns were sent by water from Lille, to batter down its 
stone towers and iron gates, and the Emperor ordered 
his to come from Malines, and Taylor, whose diary for 
this whole journey is invaluable, makes no mention of 
Henry's being mock ones, as the legend runs. Con- 
temporary chronicles are also silent on what would 
have become a world-known jest, and the wooden guns 
in the Tower must have some other origin. It may be 
true that the Tournois were terrified at the sight of the 
artillery, and yielded, but certainly not before the city 
had been much battered, and Lisle had rushed and 
occupied one of the gates, carrying away as trophies 
two of the images from its niches 2 ; but it is much 
more probable that the news of Flodden Field, brought 
by Kougecroix on the 16th, in Katharine's exultant 
letters, was the true cause. All was rejoicing in the 
English camp. Mass was celebrated in the state 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4284 ; Cleopat. 0/, v. 64. 

2 Rid., i. 4459 ; Harl. 3462, 326. 


pavilion of purple and gold, and the Te Deum sung for 
the victory. The bishop of St Asaph preached, and one 
can imagine the gist of the sermon, for if the Queen 
attributed the victories of the English armies wholly to 
Henry's piety what argument would a Tudor bishop be 
likely to follow ! Henry and Brandon rode off to Lille 
to carry the news to Margaret, and the King sat in her 
lodging singing and playing the cyther and the flute, 
and then danced with her ladies and drew the bow with 
her gentlemen. His spirits were so high that all the 
way back he raced and played with his escort. 1 A few 
days later came John Glyn with the pathetic confirma- 
tion of the death of James IV. — his plaid embroidered 
with the arms of Scotland, now all bloody. And 
Katharine with feminine ferocity wrote, "in this your 
Grace shall see how I can keep my promise, sending 
you for your banners a king's coat." 2 Henry was 
exultant, St George had indeed granted his servant 
victories ! And next day the keys of Tournay were 
handed over. Thus a second time within a month 
the King made a triumphal entry into a captured town, 
and on Sunday, September 25, the Council of the city 
met him, again clad as St George, at the Porte Ste. 
Fontaine, " their horses and mules having the English 
arms painted on paper before them." The King there 
passed under a canopy of gold and silk prepared by the 
inhabitants in great haste, and carried by the principal 
burgesses, and thence along the high street St. Jacques, 
the citizens all bearing wax torches, and dowD the rue 
Notre Dame to the Cathedral, " where he saluted God 
and St Mary," 3 and then, as he stood under his banner 

1 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 311. 2 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4451 ; Vesp. F., iii. 15. 
z Ibid., i. 4467 ; Archseol., xxvii. 258. 


in the church he made many knights. He went to his 
lodging to the sound of bells, for every one in the 
city was rung, and to shouts of "vive le roi." 1 Henry 
exacted 50,000 crowns from the city as fine, and 
cleared the surrounding bailliage of the French, who 
went away so fa3t that they could not be pursued. 2 

On the following day, Monday, the Emperor and the 
Lady Margaret, with a splendid suite of ladies in chariots 
and gentlemen on horseback, came into the city by 
torchlight, and negotiations for the marriage were re- 
opened in earnest. Henry and Lisle had both been 
I as eager to see Margaret as she to see them. The 
day after the battle of the Spurs her maitre d'hotel 
Philippe de Bregilles, whom she had sent to the camp 
at Therouenne, had written to her : " Madame, le roi ce 
soir a fort presse* FEmpereur de vous haster de venir, 
toutefois devant votre arrived je vous dirai aucunes 
choses que le roi m'a dit desquelles me depute de vous 
ecrire. Madame, le Grand-Ecuyer, milord Lyle, est 
venu a moi me prier que de ]ui vousise faire ses tres 
humbles recommandations et que de bon cceur d^sirrait 
de vous faire service. Je croy que savez assez que c'est 
le second roi, et me semble que ne serait que bon de 
lui ecrire une bonne lettre, car c'est lui qui fait et 
deffait." 3 No doubt the " bonne lettre " was written, 
and Margaret, having seen Lisle at Lille and approved, 
came to Tournay with the idea in her mind of using 
Brandon, " cet opiniatre," who did and undid all, to 
further her plans for the reduction of Gueldres and the 
protection of the Burgundian frontiers against France 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4284 ; Cleopat. C, v. 64. 

2 Ibid., i. 4502 ; Vatican Trans., Add. MSS. 15,387, 4, B.M. 

3 Lettres de Louis XII., iv. 196. 



by English means. If she had approved at Lille, on 
further acquaintance both Henry and Brandon pleased 
her immensely ; Henry because of the irresistible charm 
of his youthful frankness, courtesy and good-nature, 
" entirely good and thinketh no evil," 1 and Lisle 
"because of the virtue and grace of his person, the 
which me seemed that I had not much seen gentleman to 
approach it ; also considering the desire he always 
showed me that he had to do me service." Her task 
seemed an easy one, and while Wolsey and Fox debated 
with Berghes and Hans Reynner the terms of the 
marriage treaty, she was flirting diplomatically with 
Lord Lisle, and beguiling the King, who even promised 
to settle the succession on his sister in case of his having 
no heirs of his body. But before the time came for her 
departure from Tournay, probably before the coming 
of Prince Charles on October 10, she was conscious 
that feelings other than political had been brought into 
play. The fact was that neither Henry nor Brandon 
had ever met a young woman who made her own 
life and governed others, and they misinterpreted 
Margaret's evident pleasure in Lisle's society and her 
courteous treatment of him as proceeding not from cool 
diplomacy but from her interest in the man. " I have 
always forced me to do him all honour and pleasure,' 
she said, " the which to me seemed to be well agreeable 
unto the King, his good master." This certainly was 
Margaret's first attitude, but force seems later to have 
passed into desire. The change from the ceremonious 
tranquillity of the Court at Malines, with its environment 
of old regrets, to the stirring atmosphere of the youthful 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4851 ; Titus B., i. 142. For the whole 
episode, unless otherwise noted. 




Court with its insular unconventionality, made Margaret 
no doubt feel young again, and as she flirted with Lisle, 
the idea of a match between the two was mooted, 
either by the King or favourite. She must have 
looked most attractive, with her fair hair, brown eyes 
and clear colour, her face lighting up in conversation, 
and her gay laugh. Margaret knew neither English nor 
Flemish, and the Earl knew, or pretended to know, no 
French, her usual tongue, but evidently a few Flemish 
words, so that the King was " trwchman," or interpreter, 
and Margaret hints that his translations might have 
been warmer than the original warranted, " because of 
the love which he beareth him." One night — she herself 
relates the incident — at Tournay, after a banquet, a 
trwchman was needed. Brandon, on his knees before 
her playing with her hands, drew from her finger a ring 
she had long been accustomed to wear, and put it on 
his own. " Larron," she called him, laughing, and 
said she had not "thought the King had with him 
led thieves out of his country. This word larron he 
could not understand : wherefore I was constrained to 
ask how one said larron in Flemish. And afterwards 
I said to him in Flemish dieffie, and I prayed him many 
times to give it to me again, for that it was too much 
known." But Brandon kept his loot till next day, 
when Margaret spoke to Henry and said she would give 
one of the bracelets she always wore to have it back 
again, for it was too well known. So Lisle returned it 
and got the bracelet. Then Henry, either just before or 
after this incident, astonished her by asking whether 
she would stretch her goodwill towards Lisle to a 
promise of marriage, as was the fashion of the ladies of 
his country. It needed all Margaret's tact to answer 


graciously, for she said, " I knew well that it came to 
him of great love to speak so far forth as of marriage. 
And of another prince I had not so well taken it as of him, 
for I hold him all good and that he thinketh none evil, 
wherefore I have not willed to displeasure him." There- 
fore she answered vaguely at first that it was not the 
custom in this country, and that if she did it she would 
be dishonoured and held as a fool and light, also she 
feared her father. What, indeed, would the Weiss 
Konig have said had his daughter mated with a squire of 
England, a jerry-built viscount, after refusing its King]! 
Still, now that Henry had shown his whole hand 
Margaret knew what tricks would fall to her, and had 
she not been eprise of Lisle, she would certainly in 
all prudence have drawn back and at least considered 
the situation. It is a comment on the personal quality 
of political relations that Margaret says she dared not 
say openly that she would have none of Lisle for a 
husband for fear of offending the King. So she 
temporized, and probably her more than sub-conscious 
reason was her growing attachment to the Grand- 
Ecuyer. There's not the shadow of a doubt that 
Margaret was taken with Brandon, but that she ever 
intended to marry is another matter. To Henry's 
vicarious wooing she says she answered that she 
herself was willing, but she durst not do so, and hinted 
that she would go away and " it would be to me too 
much displeasure to lose so good company." So "he 
passed the thing into his departing." But when the 
time for Margaret's return to Lille drew nigh, in her 
room late at night he returned to the charge, saying 
that he knew well " she would be pressed for to marry 
her, and that she was too young to abide as she was : 


and that the ladies of his country did remarry at fifty 
and three-score years." She sighed and said she had 
been too unhappy in husbands to marry again. Henry 
brushed this aside with, " I know well, Madame, and am 
sure that my fellow shall be to you a true servant, and 
that he is altogether yours, but we fear that ye shall 
not do likewise, for one shall force you to be again 
married : and that you shall not be found (save) out 
of the country at my return." So she gave what she 
says was an easily given promise not to marry till she 
saw him again, for she had made up her mind, "not 
again to put me where I have had so much unhappiness 
and misfortune," and Lisle swore on his part, standing 
with her hand in his," to be true to her, to take no lady 
nor mistress, but to continue all his life her humble 
servant, which was enough honour for him." 

By this time Wolsey and Fox had settled the 
treaties, and Prince Charles had arrived, " a boy of 
great promise," x whose conversation delighted Henry. 
He only stayed two days, long enough to see how the 
land lay with his aunt for all her protestations of 
diplomatic pastime, and was present at a grand tourna- 
ment held in the public place amid torrents of rain, 
where the King and Lisle challenged all comers and kept 
the barriers, and the King excelled all in agility as in 
person, and broke more spears than any other. 

Two days later the army left Tournay, where the 
soldiers had remained too long in idleness, contract- 
ing very heavy expenses, and Henry went to Lille to 
sign his sisters marriage treaty. There Margaret was 
determined that her entertainment should not be 
ruined by the rain, and held her tournament in a large 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4284 ; Cleopat. C, v. 64. 


room raised above the ground many steps and paved 
with black stones like marble. The horses, to prevent 
their slipping and to deaden the noise of their hoofs, 
had their shoes covered with felt. 1 The tournament 
over, the lords and ladies danced, and Lisle renewed his 
suit to Margaret. Again he was on his knees before 
her, playing with her hands, and again he took 
possession of her diamond ring, but this time all 
Margaret's entreaties could not get it back, and Henry, 
when appealed to, failed to see her point that it was 
its notoriety and not its value that urged her. He 
carelessly promised her another better, and next day, 
before setting out, Brandon brought her " one fair point 
of diamonds and a table ruby and showed me that it 
was for the other ring : wherefore I durst no more 
speak of it, if not to beseech him that it should not be 
showed to any person." Brandon gave the promise, 
which was ill-kept, and went away with the ring and 
bracelet and troth renewed between them in the little 
ante-room the night before. Margaret had undertaken 
the education at her Court at Malines of his little 
daughter Anne, 2 whom he now left with her under the 
care of his cousin, William Sidney. 

Two treaties were signed at Tournay, one between 
Henry and the Emperor against France and for the 
marriage of Mary and Charles, and the other between 
Margaret, in the name of Maximilian, and Henry, allow- 
ing the latter to return into England after leaving a 
sufficient garrison in Tournay, on condition of contri- 
buting 200,000 crowns of gold for the Emperor's 
expenses in supporting 4000 horse and 6000 foot, in 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4284. 

2 Lettres de Louis XII., iv. 308. 


Artois and Hainault. In her hands Margaret held a 
promise, " en parole de roi," written by Wolsey's hand, 
and signed by the King, never to make nor conclude 
peace or truce with the common enemy, the French, 
without the knowledge of his " bonne sceur and 
cousine," on condition that she did the like." x 

1 Lettres de Louis XII., iv. 355. 



HENKY had arranged with Margaret that the 
marriage of Mary and the Prince should take 
place at Calais in six months' time, on May 
15, and for that purpose he began making arrangements 
on his usual splendid scale on his return from Flanders. 
What Mary had been doing during the months of her 
brothers absence can only be conjectured. Probably 
she had been busy like Queen Katharine, sewing banners 
and ensigns for the army to be sent against the Scots. 
She did not accompany her sister-in-law when she 
moved further North, just before Flodden. There is 
hardly a mention of her in any of the few letters of 
the year. Once she wrote to Margaret of Savoy thank- 
ing the duchess for some patterns of Flemish gowns, 
and once she received a formal letter from the Prince. 
On Twelfth Night (1514) at Kichmond there was the 
usual disguising and play, and a lady called Beauty, and 
one called Venus, clad in surcoat and mantle of yellow 
sarcenet, with hearts and wings of silver, delighted the 
Court. The piece was, as usual, allegorical, and possibly 
the ladies represented the Duchess of Savoy and the 
Lady Mary. There is no mention of the Princess by 
name, but, following her custom and that of her brother, 
they were both probably among the mummers. 


Mary had now reached her full height, and was short 
for a Tudor, though the English head-dress added about 
three inches to her stature, and plump like her mother. 
Gerard de Pleine, writing to his mistress at Malines, 
describes her as one of the prettiest girls he had ever 
seen or hoped to see. " She has the most gracious 
and elegant carriage in conversation, dancing, or any- 
thing else that it is possible to have, and is not a bit 
melancholy, but lively. I am convinced that if you 
had once seen her you would not cease till you had her 
near you. I assure you she has been well brought up, 
and she must always have heard Monsieur well spoken 
of, for by her words and manner, and also from those 
who surround her, it seems to me she loves him 
wonderfully. She has a picture of him, very badly 
done, but there is no day in the world but they tell me 
she wishes to see him ten times a day, and if you want 
to please her, you must talk of the prince. I should 
have thought she had been tall and well developed, but 
she will be only of medium height, and seems to me 
much better suited both in age and person for Monsieur 
than I had heard tell before I saw her, and better than 
any princess that I know of in Christendom. She is 
quite young, and in two years she will hardly be as 
ripe as Likerke or Fontaine. I can only say again that 
in good-nature, beauty and age, the like does not exist in 
Christendom." * For five years she had been Princess of 
Castile in England, and now was approaching the hour 
when she was to become a reigning princess, with the 
probability of far greater honours. This year was to be 
the critical one in her life, and in January occurred the 
event which first altered its course. Anne of Brittany, 

1 Lettres de Louis XII., iv. 335. 


wife of Louis XIL, died, "underly lamented," sneered 
a spy, and was laid beside her former husband at St 
Denis. The English Court swarmed with French 
prisoners, and their friends and retainers. French 
manners had always prevailed in the Court of Henry 
VII., and the French tongue had been the usual one of 
the King ; he preferred foreign household servants, and 
his son, fierce as he was against the French, kept a 
French cook. Henry VIII.'s Court had always been gay, 
and in the reaction from the frigid etiquette prescribed 
by the Countess of Richmond, manners had become as 
free as in the time of his grandfather, Edward IV. 
Bessie Blount, afterwards mother of Henry's son, the 
little Duke of Richmond, young Mistress Carew, wife of 
Sir Nicholas Carew, Mistress Jane Popincourt, added to 
the gay flutterings, and Louis de Longueville was amongst 
the most careless, as he played with the King for his 
ransom, and won the greater part. His intrigue with 
Jane Popincourt was fairly notorious, and she was, as has 
been related, one of the circle of the Princess of Castile, 
having been brought up with her. Mary said, many 
years afterwards, that she regarded her as one of her 
own relatives, but her reputation was such that Louis 
XII. refused on hearsay to have her at his Court, and 
said he would rather she were burnt for her wickedness. 
There seem to have been changes in Mary's entourage 
about this time, but her ladies and the Queen's, includ- 
ing the five Elizabeths, 1 up to now had been of the old 
school, and some had served her mother, while Mother 
Guildford, as Lady Joan Guildford was familiarly called, 
her Governess, was the very epitome of the Richmond 
school of propriety and etiquette. She had but lately 

1 Book of the King's Payments, Exc. T.R., 215, R.O. 




retired on pension from the service of the Princess, 
whom no doubt she had done her best to guide through 
the dangerous ways of the Court of a young and lusty 
King. With such surroundings one can hardly expect 
the little Princess to have been that paragon of 
womanly virtues described by Mrs Green. She had 
laughed and danced and sung her life through, some- 
times ill and under her physician's care, and, as has 
already been said, save in the French language, and 
music and dancing, she does not seem to have received 
any education, but her manners were perfect, thanks to 
her grandmother and Mother Guildford. The grand- 
mother of Lady Jaue Grey, that marvel of youthful 
scholarship and virtue, was just now a charming little 
butterfly, "sy mennuet et sy douset" * that she took 
all men's hearts by storm in public or private. The 
learning of the Renaissance had not touched her, indeed, 
never did, and she was ignorant of the intellectual 
refinements of continental courts. If she had not all 
the sterner virtues, nor a reasoned imagination, she had 
the kindest heart in the world and the most faithful, 
with a high courage to fight a losing game. Like 
Margaret of Savoy, she would have melted her most 
precious pearls to make a potion for her dying husband, 
and probably, as no doubt did Margaret, killed him by 
the heroic self-sacrifice. She was pious in the colour- 
less sense of the word, and had been brought up to 
observe strictly all fasts and feasts of the Church, and, 
like most women, was influenced by her confessor. She 
believed in astrology and witchcraft, and had the 
normal mental outlook of her century. No doubt, 
latterly, she had been influenced by her sister-in-law, 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4953 ; Add. MSS. 21,382.53. 


Katharine, who, however much she may have adapted 
herself to English customs and relaxed her prejudices 
in her love for her husband, never quite forgot the 
tradition of the dignified etiquette of her Spanish 

After her brother's return Mary was ill for some 
time, and in the doctor's hands 1 for ten weeks. What- 
ever the cause, she probably had enough resemblance 
to her sister Margaret of Scotland to find great con- 
solation, if not an impetus towards health, in the new 
gowns of her trousseau, and all its attendant mag- 
nificence. It was a marvellous affair. Seven hundred 
and ninety three pounds and nine pence (Tudor value) 
were paid at one fell swoop for pieces of cloth of gold 
for her gowns and furniture, and later comes another 
thousand pounds worth and more of silks, velvets of 
divers colours, green and white, silver, damask, and 
more cloth of gold. 2 It dazzles the eyes to read. 
Florentine looms were busy, and the Italian merchants 
in England were doing a thriving trade. All these 
were to be made up in the Flemish fashion, and the 
Lady Margaret was asked to give her advice about the 
cutting of them and the style of the garments. 3 

Marriages were in the air, and gossip early said 
three would take place at Calais — Mary to the Prince, 
Margaret of Scotland to Maximilian, and Margaret of 
Austria to Lisle, whom, on February 1, Henry created 
Duke of Suffolk. 4 

Before things got that length, however, much had 

1 Book of the King's Payments, Exc. T.E., 215. 

2 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. pp. 1463. 

3 Ibid., i. 5139 ; Galba B., v. 10. 

4 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 371. 


happened, and the Duchess of Savoy had been passing 
through the most wretched period of her existence, for 
her pride had been sorely torn by the gossip which her 
council took care should reach her ears and those of 
the Emperor, and which gave Chievres and the French 
party a pretext for attempting to break off the English 
match. Her Flemish entourage had been considerably 
annoyed at the intimacy between Lisle and the 
Governess of the Netherlands, though Margaret assured 
them again and again that "that which she had said 
and done was for not to annoy the King " ; x but what 
they felt while they watched the exchange of vows 
at Lille, " at the cupboard-head," was nothing to their 
sensations later on when the thing became the gossip 
of Europe. That Margaret could for one moment have 
imagined that such determined wooing would pass 
unnoticed is incredible, but her distress at finding 
herself gossiped about in every country is a proof of her 
belief in its secrecy. Protest her innocent intentions 
as she would, the thing reached the Emperor ; 2 the 
King of Aragon wrote to ask if it were true ; 3 the 
Venetian ambassador sent the news home ; 4 it was 
the common bruit of the staples, and the merchants 
were betting on the marriage. 5 Chievres must have 
exulted that his adversary had been delivered into 
his hand, for as early as November Margaret was 
pleading with her father for her honour, following 
"the custom of her house," as she once said, and 
not mentioning the real matter, but indicating it 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4851 ; Titus P , i. 142. 

2 Lettres de Louis XII., iv. 274. / 3 c. S. P. Spain, ii. 177. 

4 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 371. 

5 L. and P. H. VIII., L 4851 ; Titus R, i. 142. 


obliquely. At Henry's request changes had been 
made in her Privy Council to outweigh the French 
element, and this had been misliked. Floris d'Egmont, 
Lord Isselstein, 1 one of its members, drew a pension 
from England, so probably did Berghes and Hormi- 
storffe and possibly Nassau, but Chievres and St 
Py and their following intrigued ceaselessly with 
France. They regarded Margaret as an English 
agent, for letters which she had written to Brandon 
had been ill kept, and her secret informations to 
Henry had filtered through to the Spanish ambassador, 
and were none the clearer for the filtering. 2 She 
felt abashed and disgraced before her own Court and 
Council, and she finds "the publishing of the thing 
the most strange in the world." 3 Her distress was 
increased when on inquiry she found that the gossip 
had fan English origin, and it is the strongest proof 
that she really loved Brandon, this sorrow, not anger, 
of hers at finding him careless of her honour in these 
matters. " I have been constrained," she writes, " as 
well by the counsel of my servants as of the Lord 
Berghes and others, to make enquiry whereof it came, 
and as well by information as writing, always I have 
found that it proceeded from England. Whereof I 
have had a marvellous sorrow. And I have letters 
of the self hand of an English merchant, the which 
hath been the first that hath made the wagers, as 
Bregilles knoweth well." 4 

The ink was scarcely dry on the treaties signed at 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5263 ; Galba B., iii. 210. 

2 Ibid., i. 5117 ; Galba B., iii. 193. 

3 Ibid., 1. 4851 ; Titus B., i. 142. 

« Ibid. 


Lille before the intrigues with the French began to 
bear fruit. The frontier was ill-guarded, and Margaret 
herself is said to have commanded the garrisons to 
abstain from attacking the French ; at the same time 
the charges of the army were not diminished, 1 and many 
of the gens d'armes drew their pay for active service 
while comfortably seated at home. 2 Ferdinand, in spite 
of the treaty signed before Therouenne, to which Henry 
had been persuaded by Margaret to admit him, was 
renewing his peace with France, who was to give his 
second daughter to Don Ferdinand of Austria, the 
Prince's brother, with Milan for dowry ; to the 
Emperor money and forces to recover the duchy, and 
to the Queen of Aragon the Conte de Foix ; further, 
he was to abandon Navarre to Ferdinand and leave 
the Scots a prey to England. " Habes totam hanc 
perfldiam." Pedro Quintana, Bishop of Catania, 
Ferdinand's secretary, had been sent across France to 
the Emperor, and after conferring with him in open 
secrecy, the English ambassador, Sir Robert Wingfield, 
being kept entirely in the dark, had returned by the 
same way, so that when on February 8 a truce was 
signed between France and Aragon, it was conjectured to 
be a mere matter of time till the Emperor also joined it. 
Margaret, who was Henry's firm friend, and devoted 
to the English cause and marriage, implored her father 
to remember that Aragon was the only one who had 
already pulled his chestnuts from the fire, and that no 
profit would come to the Emperor. She reminded him 
that the only bulwark of Burgundy against " la grande 
et inveteree inimitie que les Francais portent a cette 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4725 ; Galba B., iii. 148. 

2 Lettres de Louis XII., iv. 257. 


maison " is amity with her enemies, for between France 
and Aragon are the mountains and England has the 
sea, and Henry now was so powerful that he could 
make a separate and better peace if he liked. His 
preparations for the new campaign, like those for the 
wedding, were such as had never been made within the 
memory of man, and this was the hour or never to 
overtop the enemy of Burgundy at the expense of 
England. " I know, sir, that he has not the faintest 
thought of making a truce, and that up to now he has 
not had, I am sure. But I am sure that if he sees or 
suspects that you want to change the treaty concluded 
with him, that will make him think what before he 
never thought, and the thing is very dangerous, for 
he could always have a good treaty and ample, and if he 
wanted to do it alone, it is clear he could do it better 
than anyone else." " As for me, sir, I wish for peace 
as much as any living person, provided it be good and 
sure ; but otherwise it will be to the loss and destruction 
of this house in the future, which God forbid." Then 
she comes to the main point of her relations with Lisle : 
" Sir, I know there are many people who desire nothing 
so much as to break this friendship with England, and 
to do this, not knowing any other means, have contrived 
certain tales ' de maulvaises paroles et langaiges , 
which touch my honour, to put trouble between you, 
the said King and myself ; but, sir, be assured they are 
all lies, and that I would rather have died a thousand 
times if it were possible than to have thought of it, and 
only speak of it to take away this trouble between us." x 
But in spite of all that Margaret could do or write, 
the French party was in the ascendant, and she was 

1 Le Glay, op. cit, ii. 225. 


discredited, for the Emperor was backing Chievres, who 
now practically ruled Charles, though the " people about 
the Prince do not care much for the Emperor." x The 
Council were already, in February, expecting information 
of the treaty with France, "putting no doubt in the 
deliverance at this time of the French King's daughter 
into their hands for the prince," and they hoped, as the 
price of the marriage, that France would surrender 
Burgundy. The " English " party were told there was 
no other way to live in peace, "and that before the 
perfect age of the said daughter, the Prince shall be of 
better experience and able to command and rule him- 
self." 2 The Emperor and the King of Aragon misliked 
this independent policy, but it seemed likely to take 
effect, and Nassau, now openly French, thought that 
they should have "the good deeds of the French and 
the others the good words." 3 Margaret had still to 
fight for her prestige with her father as well as with the 
Council, for Chievres began to think he could do any- 
thing with the Emperor, who in December had accepted 
his daughter's " excuse " for her behaviour towards 
Lisle and Henry. 4 But her further letters to Henry 
and Lisle, and her "secret advertisements," had been 
spied upon and told to her father, so that again she 
was " in fear " and could not get into touch with him. 
Henry did not doubt her, and she was probably one of 
the three channels by which he kuew all the Spanish 
secret practices. 5 But the atmosphere of her Court was 
unbearable. She was regarded wi ,u suspicion by all 
her Council and spied upon, and she could not speak 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4789 ; Galba B., iii. 152. *Ibid. 

3 Ibid. 4 Le Glay, op. cit, ii. 237. 

5 Lettres de Louis XII., iv. 253. 


openly to Sir William Sidney, whereof she was more 
displeased than at anything else. " He himself per- 
ceiveth well that everyone beholdeth him of the other 
side. As to the descent of the King, it shall behove me 
to speak as soberly as I may me constrain, for it is the 
thing that I desire as much as his coming. And 
the same for my Lady Mary, as God knoweth. The 
heart me breaketh when it behoveth me to dissemble 
not in this, but in many others. And it seemeth to me 
that I may not so well serve the King, being in this 
fear, as before, so when the King shall descend that I 
shall always be in this pain, and I fear me I shall not 
dare speak or show good semblance to the said per- 
sonage (Lisle)." * Her frank nature, which loved 
outside diplomatic dealing, to see and to say things as 
they were suffered acutely. So she sent Bregilles to 
England. 2 In February, Henry had been ill with the 
measles, and had been entertained during his con- 
valescence by Maximilian's offer of the Imperial Crown, 
presumably to dazzle him into blindness to the Spanish 
intrigues, but, like the sacring at Rheims, it was all 
nutshells. Bregilles went ostensibly to inquire for 
Henry's health, but really to explain that something 
must be done " to avoid the bruit," which was having 
such a disastrous effect on the policy of Flanders. 3 
Margaret said the only possible way, in her opinion, was 
for Suffolk to marry the Lady Lisle, a child of nine years 
old, Suffolk's ward, and the daughter and heiress of 
John Grey, late Lord Lisle. This penance both Henry 
and Suffolk said was too much, for it was not fair to 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4851 ; Titus B., i. 142. 

2 Ibid., i. 4726. 

3 Lettres de Louis XII., iv. 308. 


bind the man to a contract which the child could 
repudiate on coming of age ; anything else but not that. 
So Henry wrote to the Emperor expressing his astonish- 
ment that rumour had arisen of a possible marriage 
between the Duchess of Savoy and the Duke of Suffolk, 
his " tres leal cousin et conseiller." * He could not 
think how it came about save as a device of certain 
" mauvais esprits de mettre quelque scrupule entre vous 
et nous." He would search out the gossips on his 
side and punish them. He did, and of course 
found them. They were examined in presence of 
Bregilles by "Wolsey and Suffolk, and it was proved 
beyond doubt that the original letter was written by 
the nameless English merchant while Henry was still 
at Tournay ! So much for Margaret's ostrich-like 
secrecy. Henry and Suffolk wanted to punish the 
unfortunate gossips with death there and then, but 
Bregilles interposed. " Je leur ai bien dit que votre 
volonte n'estoit point si vindicative et qu'ils ne fissent 
nulle punition aux dits marchands quant au corps, sans 
avoir nouvelles de vous : vous en manderez s'il vous 
plait votre bon plaisir." Suffolk offered to bring home 
his daughter, whose presence at Malines might help to 
keep gossip alive, but Bregilles said his mistress did not 
desire it, and would not think of such a thing. Henry 
and Mary and Katharine all made so much of Bregilles 
that he was almost ashamed to take the gifts showered 
upon him. 2 

The Emperor still sulked, and his daughter could 
make no headway with the English marriage, and 
the Flemings sold guns and harness to the Scots, and so 

1 Lettres de Louis XI L, iv. 274. 

2 Ibid., iv. 308. 


openly favoured them as friends of France that Thomas 
Spinelly, English agent at Brussels, suggested that a ship 
should be secretly freighted in Zeeland with onions and 
apples to Scotland, with some shrewd fellows on board 
to spy in the Scottish ports. 1 On March 31 the Council 
of Flanders had their way, and a treaty between France 
and the Prince of Castile was signed 2 while the Emperor 
was still deep in " confusse dealing." 3 This was practi- 
cally the deathblow to the Anglo- Castilian marriage. 
The French had won in spite of Margaret and the 
Spanish ambassador, between whom and the Council 
had grown many words. The same month the English 
embassy to Brussels for the arranging of the details 
of the marriage had been sent off, and Margaret had 
made it very clear that whoever should go on that 
embassy it was not to be Suffolk. "I know that I 
may not show towards the personage the weal and 
honour which I desire to do as before. For as yet I dare 
not write unto him when I have anything to do towards 
the King, nor I dare not only speak of him. And I am 
constrained to entreat him in all things like a stranger, 
at the least before folks, the which doth me so much 
displeasure that I cannot write it seeing that I take him 
so much for my good friend and servant." Further on 
she says : " I shall not dare to behold him with a good 
eye which displeasure shall be the same to him as to 
me." 4 Only on his marriage with the child Lady Lisle 
was he to be allowed to come into her presence. Suffolk 
had prepared a vast and gorgeous equipage for the 
journey, and Henry said it would really cause more 

i L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4844 ; Galba B., iii. 156. 

2 Ibid., i. 4924 ; Calig. E., i. 136. 3 Ibid., i. 4929, K.O. 

4 Ibid., i. 4851 ; Titus B., i. 142. 


gossip in England if he did not go, for it would need to 
be explained publicly in Parliament, 1 but Margaret had 
her way, and Suffolk's cousin, Sir Richard Wingfield, 
Deputy of Calais, was sent with long instructions. He 
was to learn for the information of Richard Gibson, then 
in Calais arranging the camp and houses, what per- 
sonages would attend on the Lady Margaret and the 
Prince of Castile at Calais. He was to obtain numbers 
and names in writing, and also what etiquette was to be 
observed. The King would provide all things for the 
Emperor, the Prince, and my Lady, except beds, " which 
it is thought they will for their better ease bring with 
them." Henry consulted Margaret in the smallest 
detail, everything was to be as she desired, and 
sent a book containing the provision of the Princess's 
apparel, her chamber, office and stables. Cloth of every 
sort had been provided, " and my lady is to devise for 
the making thereof after such manner as shall best please 
her," and in queenly and honourable fashion. Above 
all, a definite answer about the place of the wedding was 
to be demanded. 2 

Sir Richard and his companions found only Margaret 
on their side, for the Council would gladly hinder the 
Prince's marriage "with the Lady Mary, saying that 
he is a child and she a woman full grown." s In fact, as 
the Venetian ambassador had said, " he wanted a wife 
and not a mother." 4 They had it seems no doubt 
about Mary's real age. At the same time that gossip 
was carried to the English Court of the intrigue of the 
prince with Mdlle de Likerke, " a damsel of the 

1 Lettres de Louis XII., iv. 308. 

2 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5139 ; Galba B., v. 10. 

3 Ibid., i. 4932 ; Galba B., iii. 143. * C. S. P. Venice, ii. 295. 


court," at Malines, Mary was reported of so amorous a 
nature that it would be dangerous for Charles to marry 
her before he was full grown. Margaret had sent over 
to find out the truth of this last rumour, and her agent 
wrote : " Je vous ose bien dire que si ce n'etait que 
toutes femmes sont assez fortes, que Monsieur viendra 
bien au bout de cette ci, car y n'est rien si mennuet ni 
si douset qu'elle est." If Monsieur could only speak to 
her privately a little while, it is certain that " Likerke 
tornera le rot au sort qu'il sera tout bruleV' * which 
rather obscure statement may mean that the Flamande 
would be eclipsed easily by her rival. The one " English- 
man " on the Council denied Charles's interest in Likerke, 
and reported that the Prince had said that Mary had 
been always his only love, 2 but, on the other hand, 
Charles had " spoken suspicious words," and he was 
young and surrounded by a young Council. 3 The French 
ambassador was honourably received at Court, and 
there were many ill rumours spread against England, 
most of them coming from France, especially one which 
said the English could not hold Tournay for three 
months. The feast of St George's day was not observed 
in any point, any more than if the Prince did not belong 
to the Order. " The Archduchess is sorry, but cannot 
oppose it, as the authority of France increases. Unless 
the King looks to it, all these countries will be ruled by 
the French." 4 Throughout the mission the English had 
no more courteous sympathizer than the Aragonese 
ambassador : " I promise your Grace he spareth not to 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4953 ; Add. MSS. 21,382. 53. 

2 Ibid., i. 5104 ; Galba B., iii. 191. 

3 Ibid., i. 5029 ; Galba B., iii. 13. 

4 Ibid,, i. 5006 ; Galba B., iii. 160. 


answer your faithful servant. What they mean thereby 
God knoweth." Wingfield became more insistent, and 
refused to be put off longer with vague answers about 
the marriage, for it was now the end of April, and 
the ceremony was timed for May 15. Chievres still 
had the Emperors ear, he had bought it for 100,000 
crowns, 1 and Margaret wrote in vain that a definite 
answer could not be put off much longer, but Maximilian 
preferred as usual to drive the time and let someone else 
face the consequences. The English would accept no 
postponement, and said the wedding must be at Calais, 
and Margaret, at her wits' end to explain decently 
her father's variableness, " forged an excuse at Maliues," 
and, turning in the track of gossip, said she feared that if 
the Prince married so young he might be disappointed 
of issue. 2 

The French were now forward on the borders of the 
Pale, and said " they would look upon us at Guisnes," 3 
while Prejan, the admiral, was at Dieppe with his 
galleys, and at St Omer there were as many Mamelukes 
as good Frenchmen. Count de Ligny and all other 
captains in Henry's pay were ordered to draw to Calais 
and lodge about Gravelines, to co-operate with the force 
which was ready to cross the sea. 4 At this moment 
grew a rumour of Margaret's marriage to Louis XII. , but 
Henry denied it before his Council, and said, no matter 
who in the world said so he would not believe it, for he 
never doubted her for a moment, though he acknow- 
ledged her explanation of her use of English moneys and 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5006 ; Galba B., iii. 160. 

2 Ibid., i. 5029 ; Galba B., iii. 13. 

3 Ibid., i. 5021, E.O. 

4 Ibid., i. 5035 ; Calig. D., vi. 118. 


soldiers was rather "colorable." At last, in May, 
Margaret had comfortable letters from her father, and 
she definitely broke with Suffolk in the pathetic letters x 
already quoted, which, "so that certain conclusion 
might be made," she wrote to Sir Richard Wingfield, 
but she could not undo the well-knit French policy. 
Suffolk's riposte was somewhat weak. At the jousts in 
May the King and the new duke defended the tilt 
against all comers, and on their black staves was 
written in white letters, "Who can hold what will 
away." Hall says, "This poesie was judged to be 
made for the Duke of Suffolk and the Duchess of 
Savoy," and as Henry's bore the same legend, it prob- 
ably referred also to the Prince of Castile and the 
Princess Mary. 2 

This was not, however, the open end. Negotiations 
dragged on. Sir Robert Wingfield, who had once before 
detached the Emperor from France, was trying to repeat 
the move, but with no success, for Aragon's ambassador, 
with his dealings " full of ficte and colored matter," was 
always there to balk him. He implored Henry to do 
nothing in haste, for "his majesty showeth himself at 
many times not easy to be led, and much worse to be 
driven, and therefore, Sir, for the love of God, have good 
consideration how ye handle this old practised Prince, 
which hath been but easily (i.e. superficially) known in 
time past, because many have sought to defame him 
and few to declare and show what manner of man he 
is." 3 The Aragonese ambassador at Malines also gave 
himself such airs of importance that Margaret was ex- 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4851 ; Titus B., i. 142. 

2 Hall's Chronicle, ed. 1809, 568. 

3 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5126 ; Vitell. B., xviii. 85. 


ceedingly annoyed, and it was openly said that " if the 
said lord Prince will not be obeissant unto the King of 
Aragon (i.e. in the matter of marriage), or go into 
Spain against his will, he might be poisoned, as his 
father King Philip was." * Gerard de Pleine, repre- 
senting Flanders, and John Coller, the Emperor, were 
sent to England, and got very little comfort from either 
Henry or the Council, the former declaring roundly 
that if he wanted peace he need not send out of his 
kingdom for it, 2 which the ambassadors took as an 
allusion to Louis de Longueville, who was a favourite in 
the court. Wolsey said the King would not make 
peace, but if he did it would ruin Flanders. 3 The 
English themselves were in favour of war with France, 
and, like Lord Darcy, 4 offered themselves and their sons 
with eagerness to serve the King there. The marriage 
of Mary with the Prince was taken for granted, so that 
the breaking of this traditional policy was a difficult 
matter, and had to be conducted to a full conclusion 
secretly. Hence, though in June the truce with France 
was assured, and on July 30 Mary, persuaded by her 
brother and Wolsey, formally renounced her compact of 
marriage with Charles, 5 yet on August 2 Margaret was 
reading letters from Henry " with a glad countenance." 6 
A fortnight later the fashion thereof had changed, when 
she heard that her trust had been misplaced and played 
with, and she had to listen to Chievres' sneers at 
English fidelity. 7 The Council cried traitor to the 
English, and the whole country was exasperated. 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5076 ; Galba B., iii. 190. 

2 Lettres de Louis XII., iv. 328. 3 Ibid. 

4 L. and P. H. VIIL, i. 4902 ; Calig. B., ii. 323. 

6 Ibid., i. 5282 ; Rymer's " Fcedera," xiii. 409. 

6 Ibid., i. 5292 ; Galba B., iii. 211. * jfod., i. 5327 ; Galba B., iii. 199. 


Englishmen were assaulted in Brussels, 1 and the Captain 
of Tournay found victualling a difficult matter, for it 
depended on the goodwill of the surrounding people, 
and the Anglo-French alliance put the fear of God upon 
them. Margaret was the only one who refused to 
believe the report, and " took great thought and dis- 
pleasure therewith in so much that some fear she shall 
take hurt thereby " ; and indeed she did fall ill 2 in the 
autumn from vexation at the failure of her plans and 
from grief, " for the penance was too great for their 
offence." 3 The Duchess made one more attempt to 
reknit the bonds between England and Flanders, and 
threatened to publish Henry's promise, signed at 
Tournay, not to enter into any truce without the know- 
ledge of his ally, the Prince, but Henry retored that if 
she did this, which, after all, would do him no harm, he 
would publish secret letters of hers which he held, 4 and 
so again Margaret ran up against the Suffolk affair. 
Do what she might it was not forgotten, for " the bruit 
is so imprinted in the fantasies of the people," and as 
late as September 1515 5 she was asking Wolsey for the 
return of her letters. 

Charles is said to have used strong language on hear- 
ing that he had been jilted. " It was said that when the 
Prince of Castile heard that his promised bride had been 
given to France, he went immediately into his council 
chamber and said to his Councillors, " Well, am I to have 
my wife as you promised me," with other words to that 
effect ; whereupon his Councillors answered him : " You 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5341 ; Galba B., iii. 213. 

2 Ibid., i. 5675 ; Galba B., iii. 168. 

3 Ibid., i 5362 ; Galba B., iii. 212*. 4 Lettres de Louis XII., iv. 355. 
a L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 876 ; Galba B., vi. 205. 




are young, but the King of France is the first King in 
Christendom, and, having no wife, it rests with him to 
take for his queen any woman he pleases." Thus did 
they seek to excuse themselves. During this conversation 
Duke Charles, looking out of the window, saw a man 
with a hawk on his fist, and calling one of his Councillors, 
who was his chief friend, said to him, " I prithee go buy 
me that hawk." The Councillor replied, " I know that 
hawk : he is a young birji and does not yet know how 
to quarry : he is not a bird for your lordship." The 
Prince again said, " I prithee go and buy it." The 
Councillor, still seeking to excuse himself, the Duke at 
length exclaimed, " Come with me." So he bought it 
himself and put it on his fist. Then, having returned to 
the council chamber, he seated himself and began pluck- 
ing the hawk, the Councillor meanwhile inquiring, " Sir ! 
what are you doing ? " The Duke still continued pluck- 
ing the bird, and when he had done so to his heart's con- 
tent, made answer : " Thou askest me why I plucked 
this hawk ! he is young you see, and has not yet been 
trained, and because he is young he is held in small 
account, and because he is young he squeaked not when I 
plucked him. Thus have you done by me : I am young, 
you have plucked me at your good pleasure, and because 
I was young I knew not how to complain, but bear in 
mind that for the future 1 shall pluck you." x This tale 
is regarded as apocryphal, or at least impossible, but the 
date is September 24, about six weeks after the publica- 
tion in London of the treaty with France, and indifference 
to suffering in animals is not unheard-of in the six- 
teenth century. Maximilian sorrowed too at the thought 
that the original of the picture he had admired at 

1 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 505. 


Therouenne, " the fair and virtuous princess, should come 
to an impotent, indisposed and so malicious a prince as 
is the French King," l and, like St George, his favourite 
saint, would have liked to rescue the maiden from the 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5404 ; Galba B., iii. 216. 



THOUGH Louis de Longueville has always had the 
credit of arranging the match between the Prin- 
cess Mary and Louis XII. of France, there was 
another who claimed openly the initiation of the idea. 
Margaret of Savoy said that the Pope had been to her 
knowledge the promoter of the whole business, 1 and Leo X. 
claimed 2 that he had been the first to propose it to France 
and England. It had been discussed secretly in Eome by 
the Bishop of Marseilles and the Bishop of Worcester, who 
met frequently together in the city and in " vynes and 
garthynges " without it. 3 The Medici had always been 
favourers of the French, and there is no doubt that Leo 
X. and "il magnifico Juliano" used their influence 
to make the peace, but equally doubtless, had not 
Longueville been on the spot " et mena tellement l'affaire 
de poste en poste," 4 matters would not have progressed 
so rapidly. The Frenchman was not only moved by 
desire for the national safety, he had also a private crow 
to pick with Burgundy, 5 for the Prince's officers had 
seized on certain lands of his, and in return the Duke 
rejoiced at the opportunity of wiping his neighbour's eye. 

*L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5387 ; Galba B., iii. 166. 

2 Ibid., i. 5543 ; Vitell. B., ii. 108. 

3 Ibid., i. 5106 ; Vitell. B., ii. 77. 

4 Fleurange, Hist. Louis XII. ; Petitot, Col. de Memoires, xli. 262. 
5 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 4725 ; Galba B., iii. 148. 



His position at the English Court gave him every chance 
of doing so. Henry had intended from the first that he 
should be in the household, but Katharine had been 
forced to lodge him in the Tower for the first three weeks 
after his arrival. On the King's return he was lodged 
in the Court, and became Henry's daily companion. He 
was witness to the King's anger against Ferdinand of 
Aragon, and his annoyance at the variableness of the 
Emperor, and no doubt, secrets being ill-kept, he knew 
all about the Savoy- Suffolk affair. As early as March 
Wolsey was half gained to France, and the general of 
Normandy, Thomas Bohier, in England ostensibly to 
confer with Longueville at Sittingbourne about his 
ransom, was on friendly terms with the new Bishop of 
Lincoln, and Louis XII. desired his mediation. 1 Henry 
however, was too sure that France was at his feet to treat 
at once, and it was not till his allies had definitely left 
him that he listened to French proposals. The Bishop 
of Lincoln's attitude was complicated by his claim on 
Tournay, of which See he was bishop, but was there op- 
posed by the French bishop-elect, who had easily collected 
the revenues with the collusion of the Flemish, who 
wanted no English bishop and mobbed his vicar in 
Ghent and Bruges. It probably was in Wolsey 's mind 
that if he did the Pope's pleasure in the matter of peace 
with France, there was more likelihood of his enjoying 
the fruits of the See. The bait held out to him by 
Louis was a cardinal's hat, and the French King over and 
over again promised to use his influence with Leo X. to 
get this for him. In March the marriage was talked 
about in Rome, in April in Paris, 2 while in England the 

1 L. and P. H. VIII.. i. 4883 ; Calig. D., vi. 117. 

2 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 398. 


only subject of conversation was the coming war, and 
in May, when the Castile marriage openly hung fire, the 
General of Normandy was again in England. He sent 
a herald to Calais * for a safe- conduct and also to arrange 
a truce, but this was not granted, "so he came here 
with a cartel to know the ransom required for the Duke 
de Longueville, which, being generally known, he was 
answered that not having brought the ransom with him, 
and should he have nothing else to say, he was to depart 
in God's name." Unabashed by this brusque reception, 
which may have been one of Wolsey's carefully arranged 
" pageants," the Duke, " who is in great favour, making 
himself most amiable," 2 stepped in, and by his media- 
tion the General was allowed to open his mission for 
some agreement between the two crowns. Henry de- 
manded a million and a half ducats and three towns — 
Therouenne, Boulogne and St Quentin. The General 
answered suavely this could hardly be called an agree- 
ment, but his master was prepared to make peace and 
give the usual tribute. King Henry then rejoined, 
"Well, if he chooses to marry my sister, the widow of 
the King of Scots, the agreement shall be made." 3 The 
General was allowed to write to his master, and he was 
invited to the sacring 4 of the new ship, the " Harry Grace 
a Dieu," the King's newest toy, " which has no equal in 
bulk and has an incredible array of guns." There, in a 
brilliant company, he saw the Queen and the Princess 
Mary, surrounded by the bishops, nobles and ambassadors, 
and he witnessed the reception of the ambassadors from 
the Duchess of Savoy and the Emperor, whom Henry 
took over the seven tiers of the ship, pointing out her 

1 C. S. P. Venice, iii. 1485. 2 Ibid., iii. 1485. 3 ibid., ii. 436. 

4 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5192 ; Galba. B., iii. 208. 


novelties and merits. All the French negotiations had 
to be conducted with the greatest secrecy, for the war 
was popular in England, where the nobles and gentlemen 
had already prepared their equipages at great expense, 
but abroad the matter was talked of openly, and the lady 
mentioned was not the impossible Margaret, but Mary. 
Henry refused to be drawn by the Emperor's ambas- 
sador, 1 and said nothing beyond that he had peace 
under his hand if he wanted it ; but they said roundly to 
the Council that the General "was well known to the 
Emperor as one accustomed to handle more difficult 
matters than the ransom of the Duke de Longueville." 
The great difficulty was Tournay, and that question was 
finally waived for later settlement, and a treaty of 
peace for the lives of the two kings and one year after 
was concluded on a basis of tribute paying, and all 
arrears from France, dating from 1444, were to be gradu- 
ally paid up at a fixed rate. Henry wanted to give his 
sister without a dowry, in clear contravention of his 
father's will, but eventually it was arranged that Mary's 
trousseau, jewels, and furniture, valued at 200,000 
crowns, were to be regarded as such. 

Late in the evening of July 29 2 the General of 
Normandy came again to London, to a very different 
reception. " He had come to seal the articles, having 
been met by four hundred of the chief lords on horse- 
back to do him honour." Next day, at Wan3tead 
Manor, Mary made the formal renunciation of her 
compact of marriage with Charles, Prince of Castile, in 
the presence of the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, the 
Earl of Worcester, the Bishops of Lincoln, Winchester 
and Durham, and Sir Rauf Verney, her chamberlain. 

1 Lettres de Louis XII., iv. 335. 2 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 464. 


On August 7 the preliminaries were concluded and 
the contract signed. On the 11th peace was proclaimed 
in London, with none of the usual pomp, by two men 
on horseback " in a public street ; neither trumpet nor 
any other instrument was sounded, and but few persons 
heard the proclamation, neither were bonfires burnt or 
any other demonstration made for this peace." 1 Two 
days later the wedding took place at Greenwich, and 
early in the morning of that Sunday, wrote the Venetian 
ambassador's secretary, a lord came in his barge in 
quest of Messer Andreas Badoer, 2 " on behalf of the 
King that he might go to the Court to be present at the 
wedding." So he went to where his Majesty was, at a 
place called Greenwich, on a fine river, and proceeded 
upstairs, where the other lords were awaiting the King in 
the apartment where the ceremony was to be performed. 
It had the appearance of a large chamber, the walls 
around being covered with cloth of gold surmounted 
by an embroidered frieze with the royal arms. There 
were many lords present, clad in cloth of gold and some 
in silk, all wearing chains, who came to meet the 
ambassador, saying, " Thou art as welcome as if thou 
wert our father and of our own blood," for which he 
thanked them much, and he gave them good greeting. 
And he remained thus, talking, first with one and then 
with another, for three hours, till at length the King 
came and was immediately followed by the Queen, his 
sister the bride, and a number of ladies. The Duke de 
Longueville, with two French ambassadors, represented 
the King of France. The Primate delivered a Latin 
sermon, saying that they had been brought to that place 
to celebrate " a holy marriage, the contracting parties 

1 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 505. 2 Ibid. 


being the sister of the King of England and the King 
of France, whose majesty was represented by the Duke 
de Longueville." Then John de Selva, President of 
Normandy, spoke, and said that the King of France was 
willing to take the Princess Mary to wife, and the 
Bishop of Durham read the French letters patent. When 
these discourses were ended, the Duke de Longueville, 
representing the person of the French King, taking the 
Princess by the right hand, read the marriage contract 
in French x ; after which the Princess, taking the Duke's 
right hand in hers, read her contract 2 in the same 
tongue. The Duke then signed the " schedule," and 
after him the Princess signed " Mary," and that done, 
Longueville delivered to her a golden ring which she 
placed on the fourth finger of her right hand. By 
this time it was nearly mid-day, and the King went to 
Mass in procession headed by the lords walking two and 
two, and clad in silk gowns of their own fashion with 
gold collars as massive as chains, " two dukes of the 
realm walked together clad in gowns of cloth of gold," 
and last came the Venetian ambassador next the King 
as a mark of honour, and paired with the Archbishop of 
Canterbury. 3 Henry wore a gown of cloth of gold 
and ash-colour satin in chequers, with certain jewelled 
embroidery, after his usual fashion, of beaten gold 
applique* to the brocade, and a most costly collar round 
his neck. With him, nearly in a line but slightly 
behind, walked the Duke de Longueville, wearing a gown 
of cloth of gold and purple satin in chequers, and a most 
beautiful collar. After the King came the Queen, who 
was pregnant, also in ash-colour satin with chains and 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5322 ; Vitell. C. xi. 167. 

2 Ibid. 3 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 505. 


jewels, and on her head a cap of cloth of gold covering 
the ears in the Venetian fashion, and beside her walked 
the bride in a petticoat of ash-colour satin, and a gown 
of purple satin and cloth of gold in chequers. She also 
had a Venetian cap and many chains and jewels, and 
was accompanied by many ladies. After Mass came a 
banquet, followed by a return to the same room where 
the ceremony had taken place, and there, to the 
harmonious sounds of flute, harp, pipe, and violetta, they 
danced for two hours, the King and the Duke of 
Buckingham dancing in their doublets, and the tunes 
were so merry that Badoer, old as he was, felt tempted 
to throw off his gown and follow Henry's example. 
Whether it was before, after, or during the dance, at 
some moment the marriage was formally concluded per 
verba de prcesenti, and the bride, in the presence of 
many witnesses, undressed and went to bed. " The 
Marquis of Rothelin (the Duke de Longueville), in his 
doublet with a pair of red hose, but with one leg naked, 
went into bed and touched the Princess with his naked 
leg, and the marriage was declared consummated." * 
After the dance, refreshments were served, and the 
King and Queen departed, and the Archbishop of York 
[Wolsey], the Duke de Longueville, i3adoer, the lord of 
St John's [i.e. the prior of St John of Jerusalem in 
England], and other noblemen went to the house given 
by the King to the Duke, a good bowshot from the 
palace, but within the park walls. There the legal 
instrument was signed and mutually ratified. 2 Then 
wines were served, and the Venetian ambassador, and 
the nobleman who had fetched him in the morning, 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5337, Harl, MSS. 3462, f. 142. 

2 Kymer's Foedera, xiii. 444. 


with the lord of St John's, took their leave and returned 
home by barge, " making good cheer by the way." 

What were Mary's feelings? In spite of the 
Flemish agent's report, it is not necessary to believe 
that she had been deeply wounded by the breaking 
off of the Flemish marriage, or that she had ever 
been in love with the Prince. But it is well known 
that she gave a reluctant consent to the French 
marriage, and that her reluctance was said to have its 
root in her attachment to the Duke of Suffolk, who 
three months ago had been still a suitor for the hand 
of Margaret of Savoy. Did the two deserted ones 
console each the other ? It is not at all impossible that 
mutual sympathy brought them into greater intimacy, 
and that Mary fell in love with the Duke then, for 
where the experienced duchess fell, what hope was 
there for the young princess ! That Suffolk wanted 
to marry her there can be no doubt, but his career and 
experience made it impossible that he should plunge 
into love with Mary's enthusiasm. He had already had 
two wives, of whom one was still living, and, put down 
in black and white, the story of his marriages is hardly 
respectable. When he was Sir Charles Brandon he 
made a contract of marriage " with a gentlewoman, 
Mistress Anne Browne, and before any solemnization of 
that marriage not only had a daughter by her, which 
after was married to the Lord Powes, but also brake 
promise with her and married the Lady Mortimer, 
which marriage the said Anne Browne judicially 
accused to be unlawful, for that the said Sir Charles 
Brandon had made a pre-contract with her and carnally 
known her. Which being duly proved, sentence of 
divorce was given, and he married solemnly the said 


Mistress Ar^e Browne ; at which marriage all the 
nobility were present and did honour it ; and afterwards 
had by her another daughter, who was married to the 
Lord Mounteagle. After this the said Mrs Anne 
Browne continued with him all her life as his wife, 
and died his wife, without impeachment of that 
marriage." 1 But these matters would not influence 
Mary, for, besides the fact that the English were 
notoriously loose about marriage, she was in love, and 
that hid everything. When Henry, at the last moment 
(and it can be taken for granted that as secrecy was 
necessary Mary knew little till then), told her of her 
destiny, he had the greatest difficulty in persuading 
her to it. She rebelled vehemently against marriage 
with an ' ' old, feeble, and pocky " man of fifty-six, for her 
ladies would not mince their words with niceness when it 
came to descriptions. But Henry showed her that it 
could not be for long ; Louis had been ill for years now 
(grisly reasoning for a girl of eighteen), and once a 
widow she would be free to marry whom she would, 
if she would only do his pleasure this once. Longue- 
ville painted the delights of the French Court, the 
centre of all light and fashion, and the honour of being 
queen of it, while her pride, wounded by the Flemish 
treatment, was glad to be able to return so speedy a 
Eoland for their Oliver. Once she had allowed herself 
to be dazzled into consenting, things were hurried on, 
and she had not a chance for reflection ; there was 
nothing but dancing, banquets, and feasts from the 
day of her marriage to that of her departure, 2 varied by 
visits from Jehan de Paris, 3 painter and designer of 

1 Julius F. vi. 409. 2 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 500. 

3 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5462 ; Calig. D. vi. 141. 


frocks, and from Marigny, 1 her husband's maitre d'hotel, 
with presents and letters from the King. One day 
he arrived at the Court preceded by a white horse 
laden with two coffers both full of gifts for her, 2 and 
she was soon reconciled to her lot, and was " so pleased 
to be Queen of France that she did not care that the 
French King was an old man and gouty." 3 She was 
not going to France " en dame de petite etoffe," 4 and 
if her first trousseau was to have been in all things* 
queenly and honourable, this one eclipsed it, in 
measure as the dignity of a queen of France eclipsed 
that of a princess of Castile. The greater number of 
her gowns were made in the French fashion, but six 
were Milanese and eight were English, with tight sleeves. 
Her jewels were magnificent, and justified her fathers 
reputation of having harvested those of many im- 
pecunious princes. Diamonds, caboche and cut, 
" tables and points," pearls, balas rubies sparkled in 
bracelets, pendants, baldrics, rings. Her device of 
four roses set with diamonds appeared in various forms, 
and the fleur de lys was not absent, and her frontlets 
were of pearls. Her bejewelled plate, her hangings, 
her bedroom and her chapel appointments, were of the 
costliest, and the glitter of the fashionable cloth of 
gold was over all. 5 Small wonder that the excitement 
of the preparations and the pleasure of possessions re- 
conciled Mary to her fate, as her chosen " word" might 
indicate, "La volonte' de Dieu me suffit." Besides the 
jewels of the trousseau, Mary received many marriage 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5462 ; Calig. D. vi. 141. 

2 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 505. 3 Ibid., ii. 482. 

4 Fleurange, Hist. Louis XII. ; Petitot Collection de Memoires, 
p. 265. 

6 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5491-2 ; Vitell. C. xi. f. 158. 




presents from France, and Louis sent her, amongst other 
things, a marvellous diamond pendant, which roused to 
admiration the jewellers of the Eow, to whom it was 
unknown even by reputation. 1 

A few days after the marriage ceremony the French 
ambassadors set out for France to carry the news of 
their successful mission. They did not go empty- 
handed. The General and his son had been well 
rewarded, and Longueville, no longer a prisoner, had 
an order on Cavalcanti, the Italian merchant and 
banker, for £2000, 2 Henry's present on the occasion of 
the marriage, when he also gave him his embroidered 
gown. From Canterbury Mary received what was prob- 
ably her first letter as Queen of France. " Aujourd'hui," 
wrote Longueville, "M. le general et moi avons eu 
des lettres du roi qu'il nous ecrit que le plus grand 
desire qu'il a c'est de savoir de vos nouvelles, et qu'il 
trouve merveilleusement bon le lieu d'Abbeville pour 
vous trouver ensemble ainsi qu'il a ete accorde, et que 
la sans point de faute vous le trouverez delibere de 
vous bien recevoir. Et ferai, Madame, la plus grande 
diligence qu'il me sera possible d'aller divers lui pour 
lui de[livrer] de vos nouvelles. Et toujours ainsi que 
j'en saurai des siennes vous en advertirai ainsi que vous 
m'avez commande, vous suppliant tres humblement, 
Madame, qu'il vous plaise me commander toujours vos 
bons plaisirs pour les accomplir comme celui qui desire 
vous faire service. Madame, il y a un marchant nomme 
Jehan Cavalcanty, dem[eurant] a Londres lequel a 
mon affaire m'a fait service. II a quelque affaire en vers 
le roi votre frere. Je vous supplie qu'il vous [plaise], 

1 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 500. 

2 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. ; Book of Payments, August 1514. 


Madame, lui etre aidant en vers le dit et 1' avoir pour 
[...]. Madame je prie a notre Seigneur qu'il vous 
donne tres bonne v[ie]." x Bohier also wrote. On their 
arrival at Estampes, where was the King, their descrip- 
tion of Mary, "the prettiest girl in Europe," and 
probably also the difficulty about Tournay, moved 
Louis to write to ask for her speedy delivery into his 
hands. "Faites mes recommandations," he wrote to 
Wolsey, " au roi mon frere, votre maitre, et lui dites 
que je lui prie m' envoy er sa sceur le plus tot que faire 
se pourra, et qu'il me fera en ce faisant singulier plaisir." 2 
The same day Longueville wrote to Mary, " Que le roi 
s'ennuie de j ce que ne lui Writes de vos nouvelles et 
aussi que votre cas ne se ddpeche pas par dela si tot 
qu'il voudrait bien, pourquoi, Madame, je vous supplie 
tres humblement que lui veuillez ecrire et tout faire par 
dela que le plus tot que pourrez vous en puisse venir, 
car plus grand plaisir ne lui saurez faire en ce monde. 
Et en surplus, Madame, votre plaisir sera me mander 
et commander vos bons plaisirs pour les accomplir. 
Madame je prie a Dieu qu'il vous donne tres bonne vie 
et longue." 3 So Mary, with the help of John Palsgrave, 
wrote a formal little letter in French, of which this is 
a translation : — 

" Sir, very humbly I recommend me unto your grace. 
I have received the letters which it has pleased you to 
write to me with your own hand, and heard what my 
cousin the Duke de Longueville has told me from you, 
in which I take great joy, felicity, and pleasure, for 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5329 ; Calig. D. vi. 137. 

2 Vitell. C. xvi. f. 145. 

3 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5373 ; Calig. D. vi. 142. 


which and for the honour which it has pleased you to 
do to me I hold myself ever indebted and obliged to 
you, and thank you as cordially as I can. And because 
by my cousin you will hear how all things have taken 
their end and conclusion, and the very singular desire 
that I have to see you, I forbear to write to you a 
longer letter. For the rest, Sir, praying our Creator 
to give you health and long life, — By the hand of your 
humble companion, Mary." 1 

On September 14, in the church of the Celestines at 
Paris, after Mass, Louis went through the marriage 
ceremony with Mary's proctor, the Earl of Worcester. 
The Dauphin, Longueville, John Stuart, Duke of 
Albany, Robertet, the treasurer, were there, with many 
others, and the next day, in Les Tournelles, in the 
faubourg St Antoine, the King appeared before the 
Bishop of Paris and bound himself to the payment of 
a million gold ducats to Henry VIII. , and in default to 
be excommunicated. 2 That was the last of the 
formalities ; all had now been complied with, and 
Louis was eager to see the wife he had heard so much 
about. So he wrote to Wolsey again urging that she 
should be sent over as soon as possible, for to have her 
across the sea was all his desire, and thanking Wolsey 
for all the trouble that had been taken with "l'appareil 
et les choses," which he understood were exquisitely 
beautiful. 3 He enclosed a letter to Mary, who re- 
plied : " Monseigneur, Bien humblement a votre bonne 
grace, je me recommende. Monseigneur j'ai par 

1 Bethune MSS., Bib. du Roi, Paris, quoted by Mrs Green in " Lives of 
the Princesses of England," vol. v. p. 34. 

2 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5408. R.O. 

3 Ibid., i. 5462 ; Calig. D. vi. 141. 


Monseigneur l'eveque de Lincoln recu les tres affectueuses 
lettres qu'il vous a plu nagueres m'ecrire, qui m'ont ete 
a tres grant joye et confort, vous assurant, Monseigneur, 
qu'il n'y a rien que tant je desire que de vous voir. 
Et le Roi, Monseigneur et frere, fait tout extreme 
diligence pour mon all^e dela la mer, qui au plaisir de 
Dieu sera briere. Vous suppleant, Monseigneur, me 
vouloir cependant pour ma tressingulidre consolation 
souvent faire savoir de vos nouvelles, ensemble vos 
bons et agr^ables plaisirs pour vous y obeir et complaire, 
aidant notre Createur qui vous donne, Monseigneur, 
bonne vie et longuement bien prosperer. De la main 
de vre bien humble compaigne. Marie." x 

What kind of a man was Mary to be consigned to % 
A recent French writer gives the following description 
of his character drawn from contemporary sources : — 
"D'esprit mediocre, pas eloquent ni savant, mais plein 
de bons sens, c'etait comme le grandgouzier de Rabelais, 
un type de ' bon raillard,' aimant a boire et a rire, 
orne des vertues bourgeoises et pratiques, dont il ne 
lui manquait pas une, meme la fidelity a sa femme, et 
pour le reste, plein de bont£, de loyaute, d'amabilit£, de 
rondeur ; point de rancune, la gaite cordiale, les gouts 
charitables, les sentiments serieusement chre'tiens, sans 
ostentation, ni tendance au merveilleux : homme tout 
cceur qui ne pensait qu'a son peuple." 2 He knew and 
admired Italian art and writers, and welcomed them at 
his Court, but with no frenzied admiration. He was, 
above all things, reasonable, normal, and commonplace. 
To his first wife Jeanne he had been forcibly married 

1 Ellis's "Original Letters," 1st series, vol. i. p. 113. 
2U Louise de Savoie," by Maulde la Claviere, p. 116. 


by her father, Louis XL She is said to have been a 
crippled angel, and the first thing Louis did on his 
accession was to obtain a divorce from her from 
Alexander VI., "l'argent entra en ligne," and all was 
easy with the Borgia ; and then to marry Anne of 
Brittany, the widow of his cousin and predecessor, 
Charles VIII. She was a not unusual mixture of piety 
and arrogance, and a thousand times more Duchess of 
Brittany than she was Queen of France to the day of 
her death. Like Katharine of England, time and again, 
in spite of prayers, promises, and pilgrimages, her hopes 
of a male heir were dashed, and she only left two 
daughters to survive her, the elder of whom, Claude, 
after having been grudgingly betrothed to Francis 
d'Angouleme, who was in open antagonism to Anne, 
was married to him a few months after her mother's 
death. Renee, the younger, the child of many prayers, 
called for St Rene, to whom her father had vowed his 
child, was the princess who had so often been en 
concurrence with Mary in Flanders. Since his wife's 
death and his own continued illness Louis had allowed 
the Dauphin, as Francis d'Angouleme was now called, 
to meddle in affairs of state, for, after all, vain-glorious 
and incapable of viewing things from any but an 
absolutely personal vantage as he was, the young 
man was more than likely to become King of France, 
and must serve his apprenticeship, and now nothing 
was done without his advice. He was furious with 
Longueville for his part in bringing about the 
English marriage, " il en sceut bien mauvais greV' 1 but 
made up his mind to carry the thing off well, " et 
voullust bien montrer qu'il n'estoit pas mal content de 

1 Fleurange, op. cit., p. 269. 


ce marriage," and threw himself heartily into the 
preparations for Mary's reception, confident that his 
position was saved by the senile condition of the King's 
bodily powers, and frankly interested in his favourite 
occupation of organizing gorgeous spectacles. The 
Court Mary was about to enter was no harmonious one, 
for Louise de Savoie and her son were centres of 
disaffection, and Claude de France and her father were 
eclipsed by the magnificence of the hotel d'Angouleme, 
the treasurer of France, Robertet, pandering to the 
Dauphin's boyish extravagance in clothes and advanc- 
ing money to pay his colossal tailor bills. Mary would 
find herself the centre of all kinds of intrigue, from 
which the kindly nature of her husband could hardly 
protect her, though, as Worcester wrote, " he hath a 
marvellous mind to content and please the Queen." x 
He awaited her coming in great good humour with 
seven coffers of jewels and other treasures beside him, 
and "au logic du roy il ne feust plus question de 
deuil." 2 Worcester wrote that " there is nothing that 
can displease him, and he hath provided jewels and 
goodly gear for her. There was in his chamber the 
Archbishop of Paris, Robertet, and the General and I, 
where he showed me the goodliest and richest sight of 
jewels that ever I saw. I would not have believed it if 
I had not seen it." 3 All things were for her, said the 
King, " but merrily laughing, ' my wife shall not have 
all at once, but at divers times, for he would have many 
and at divers times kisses and thanks for them.' I 
assure you he thinketh every hour a day till he seeth 

» L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5468 ; Calig. D. vi. 198. 

2 Fleurange, Hist. Louis XII.; Petitot Collection de Memoires, p. 267. 

3 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5468 ; Calig. D. vi. 198. 


her. He is never well but when he heareth speak of 
her. I make no doubt she will have a good life with 
him by the grace of God." 

And on the other side of the channel poor Mary 
would willingly have made every hour a day before her 
departure. Two or three days before she left London 
"all the merchants of every nation went to Court. 
The Queen desired to see them all and gave her hand 
to each of them. She wore a gown in the French 
fashion of woven gold, very costly ; she is very beautiful 
and has not her match in England, is a young woman 
sixteen years old, tall, fair, and of light complexion 
with a colour, and most affable and graceful. On her 
neck was a jewelled diamond as large and as broad as 
a full-sized finger, with a pear-shaped pearl beneath it, 
the size of a pigeon's egg, which jewel had been sent 
her as a present by the King of France. . . . And the 
jewellers of the Row, whom the King desired to value 
it, estimated its worth at 60,000 crowns. It was 
marvellous that the existence of this diamond and 
pearl should never have been known ; it was believed 
that they belonged to the late King of France, or to 
the Duke of Brittany, the father of the late Queen." 
" On bidding farewell to the merchants she made them 
many offers, speaking a few words in French and 
delighting everybody. The whole Court now speaks 
French and English, as in the time of the late King." * 
Mary's ladies had been chosen from among her 
companions by Wolsey, and on August 7, when the 
marriage treaty was signed, the ladies had been 
arranged for also. The paper was evidently taken 
to France for the King's signature, for it is in the 

1 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 500. 


British Museum signed " Loys," and dated, in a con- 
temporary English hand, August 8, 15 14. 1 Their 
names are : Mademoiselle Grey, sister of the Marquis 
[of Dorset], Mademoiselle Mary Fenes, daughter of 
Lord Dacres [of Hurst Monceaux], Mademoiselle 
Elizabeth, sister of Lord Grey [de Wilton?], 
Mademoiselle Boleyne [Anne, not Mary, in spite of 
Dr Brewer], Mistress Anne Jerningham, femme de 
chambre, Jean Barnes, chamberiere. These were the 
ladies " contracted for." But later on more were added 
without reference to Louis' pleasure: old Lady Guildford, 
Elizabeth Ferrers, Anne Devereux, M. Wotton, Anne 
Denys, and evidently others. Dr Denton, her old 
friend, went as her almoner, and John Palsgrave as her 
secretary. " Mother " Guildford came from her retire- 
ment to go with her former charge as lady of honour, 
for she spoke French well, and would be able, as Henry 
told Mary, to advise the jeune mariee in the perplex- 
ing situations which might arise. At the suit of 
Longueville 2 Louis suggested that Jane Popincourt 
should be among his wife's ladies, for he understood 
that " the Queen loveth and trusteth her above all the 
gentlewomen about her," but on Worcester telling him 
of her evil life he said that " if the King made her to 
be brent, it should be a good deed," and Longueville's 
scheme fell through. Louis said there should be never 
man nor woman about his wife but such as should be 
at her contentation, but later on he judged their fitness 
by another standard. As the Duke of Suffolk could 
not go with her, the Duke of Norfolk was to present 
Mary to her husband, and with him were many nobles 

1 L. and P. H. VIII. i. 5484 ; Vitell. C. xi. 155. 

2 Ibid., i. 5468 ; Calig. D. vi. 198. 


and ladies ; notably the Marquis of Dorset and his four 
brethren, Lord de la "Warr, Lord Mounteagle, the 
Bishop of Durham, with many bannerets and esquires. 
The Duchess of Norfolk and the Countess of Oxford 
were with the Duke, and the Marchioness of Dorset and 
Lady Mounteagle accompanied their husbands. The 
company was chosen by Wolsey, and several of Suffolk's 
friends were included. Thomas Wriothesley, Garter 
King at Arms, with Richmond Herald, went to see that 
all things were in order, and fifty officers of the King's 
household were transferred to his sister's. 

On September 19 all these " gros princes et dames 
et gros personages " set out for Dover, accompanied by 
what remained of the Court to the water's edge. " There 
would be about a thousand palfreys, and a hundred 
women's carriages," wrote Lorenzo Pasqualigo, merchant 
of Venice in London, to his brother. " There were so 
many gowns of woven gold, and with gold grounds, 
housings for the horses and palfreys of the same 
material, and chains and jewels, that they were worth 
a vast amount of treasure ; and some of the noblemen 
in this company, to do themselves honour, had spent as 
much as 200,000 crowns each. Many of the merchants 
proposed going to Dover to see this fine sight." * The 
Court rode in leisurely fashion to the coast at Dover. 
Mary was expected in France, where no business save 
rejoicings for the wedding was attended to, on the 
29th, and John Heron 2 had pressed the ships for her 
crossing by that date, and the fleet had scoured the 
channel to east and west, but it was not till October 2 
that she set sail for Boulogne. Henry had meant to 
have gone ten miles out to sea with her in the " Harry 

1 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 500. 2 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 68. 


Grace a Dieu, 1 but the weather was too threatening, so 
he bade his sister good-bye at the water-edge, his last 
words being a renewal of his promise about her second 
marriage, and hers a passionate reminder. The fleet 
set sail, and had not gone far before the fulfilment of 
her first marriage became for the moment problematic, 
for they " had not sailed a quarter of their voyage in 
the sea but that the wind rose and severed the ships, 
driving some of them to Calais, some into Flanders, 
and her ship and three others with great difficulty were 
brought to Boulogne, not without great jeopardy at the 
entering of the haven, for the master ran the ship hard 
on shore. But the boats were ready and received the lady 
out of the ship, and Sir Christopher Garnish [' strong, 
sturdy stallion, so sterne and so stowsty'] strode into 
the water, and took her in his arms and bare her to 
land, where the Duke of Vendome, and a cardinal 
with many other great estates, received her with great 
honour." 2 At least one ship of the fleet was lost, " The 
Great Elizabeth," at Sandgate, close to Calais, and Sir 
Weston Browne, the captain, and not a hundred men 
escaped out of a company of five hundred. 

The useful Marigny 3 at once sent notice to Louis at 
Abbeville of the Queen's arrival, and thither, after a 
short interval of rest, long enough to squeeze the sea 
water from her clothes, went Mary, accompanied all the 
way by Longueville, who " made her good cheer," 
Lautrec, the Bishop of Bayeux, and a large company, 
and joined on the way by the Duke d'Angouleme, 
whom the English annoyed by calling " M. le due," in- 

1 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 503. 

2 Stowe's Chronicle, ed. 1592, pp. 828 et seq. 
i. 5469 ; Calig. E. i. 79. 


stead of "Monsieur" tout court. On the 8th the 
company was within a few miles of Abbeville, and at 
St Nicholas d'Essarts 1 the princes left Mary to rest and 
change and put herself in order, while they rode on to 
Abbeville to announce her coming to the King. Louis 
was curious to see her, but etiquette forbade his going to 
meet her, so he sent back the Dauphin to meet her a 
mile or so out of the town, with MM. d'Alengon, de 
Longueville, de Lautrec, de la Tremouille, saying that 
he intended to happen along the road hawking with his 
falcons, and would accidentally meet the Queen at such 
and such a place, and Mary was to know nothing of his 
intention. At the place appointed, a wide plain a little 
over a mile away, the Dauphin met Mary riding a white 
palfrey, and wearing a dress of cloth of gold on crimson, 
her shaggy hat of crimson silk cocked over her left 
eye, and detained her there talking till some horsemen 
came in sight. They were the King, the Cardinals of 
Auch and Bayeux, M. de Vendome, the Duke of Albany, 
Count Galeazzo di San Severino, the master of horse, 
and others. Louis wore a short riding dress of the same 
stuff as the Queen's, a sure sign that the meeting had 
really been pre-arranged, for at this time it was the 
fashion when Kings and Queens appeared together in 
public that their garments should always be made of 
the same material. He rode as jauntily as he could a 
beautiful Spanish horse, whose barb was of cloth of gold 
and black satin in chequers. As he came up he gallantly 
kissed his hand to Mary and expressed his surprise at 
this chance meeting, and Mary doffed her hat when told 
who this was, and kissed her hand to the King, who 
then brought his horse close up to her palfrey and 

1 " Lives of the Princesses of England," v. p. 41. 


" threw his arm round her neck and kissed her as kindly 
as if he had been five and twenty." After a few words 
with her he greeted the princes and gentlemen of her 
company, and then, saying that he would continue his 
hunting, he departed and returned home by another 
way. 1 He looked exceedingly ill, and Mary seems to 
have found him worse than she had imagined. After 
Louis had gone the procession was formed. It led off 
with fifty of Mary's esquires dressed in silks of several 
sorts, all wearing the inevitable gold collar or chain. 
Next came the Duke of Norfolk, with the ambassadors 
and noblemen two and two, all wearing enormous gold 
chains (some cost as much as £600), some doubling and 
trebling them round their necks, others wearing them 
" prisoner fashion," and all having velvet bonnets of 
different colours. Garter King at Arms and Richmond 
Herald in their tabards followed, with eight trumpeters 
in crimson damask, and macers with gilt maces sur- 
mounted by a royal crown ; then two grooms in short 
doublets of cloth of gold and black velvet, with velvet 
caps, each leading a palfrey, and after these, two other 
palfreys ridden by pages. Then came the Queen on 
her white palfrey, with the Dauphin always at her 
side, and at her stirrup her running footmen, followed 
immediately by her litter of cloth of gold, embroidered 
with gold lilies in wrought gold. On the back and 
front of it were the French lilies and the parti- coloured 
roses of York and Lancaster, while on the sides above 
and below were dolphins and more red and white roses. 
This was borne by two large horses trapped to match the 
litter and ridden by two pages in livery. Next followed 
the ladies : first a party riding, gay in silks and gold 

1 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 511. 


brocades, and then four in a carriage covered with gold 
brocade patterned in large flowers, and drawn by six 
horses trapped to match. Then more ladies on palfreys, 
and another carriage, and after that more palfreys, all 
decked and trapped in gold brocade and murrey velvet, 
with running footmen, and then ten palfreys more in 
the same stuffs with pale blue and white fringe. Last 
of all came 200 English archers marching two and two 
in three divisions ; the first were in doublets of green 
satin and surcoats and belts of black velvet, with shaggy 
red and white hats ; the second wore black doublets and 
shaggy white hats ; the third black with grey hats. 
But this was not all. About half a mile out of the 
town the chief men of Abbeville met the Queen with 
150 men, archers, musketeers, and arbalestmen, all in 
red and yellow, and with them the captain of the town 
and thirty men in his own livery. These fell in at the 
head of the procession, which had swelled to considerable 
dimensions before it reached the suburbs. At Notre 
Dame de la Chapelle without the walls there seems to 
have been a short halt to allow Mary to make final 
preparations for her entry, and here she was met by the 
clergy. It was now about four o'clock, and a sharp 
shower fell, drenching them all, especially the ladies, 
and, indeed, " of water from heaven there was no lack 
until the evening, which caused some regret." The 
procession again formed up. " First went a good number 
of archers, musketeers and arbalestmen of the town, all 
in their livery of red and yellow ; next the Prevot de 
T Hotel with his archers ; then the 400 archers of the 
Guard (on foot) with their captains, followed by the 
Grand Seneschal of Normandy, with the gentlemen about 
eighty in number, including the princes and grandees, 


who might amount to as many as twenty-five, in gallant 
trim of various sorts and many in gold brocade." The 
Queen came next, riding under a canopy of white satin 
embroidered above and around with roses, and supported 
by two porcupines which the clergy had prepared for 
her, and which was borne by the officers of the town. 
Her dress was now " of gold brocade with a white gown," 
made in English fashion with tight sleeves, " very costly 
both in jewels and goldsmith work." She held in her 
hand a sceptre of white wood, and all round her under 
the canopy were her running footmen, while the Scots 
Guards made a second circle just outside the canopy. 
The Dauphin rode just beyond the edge of her canopy, 
and they laughed and talked together, for " une si belle 
personne tout or et diamants plut fort au due de 
Valois." x The reality of all this magnificence far ex- 
ceeded the description, wrote the Venetian ambassador, 
" to the great glory of the Queen." Abbeville 
welcomed her with enthusiasm, and trumpets, clarions, 
bells and artillery all vied in making the noise without 
which jubilation is impossible. The people were 
delighted with her, and admired her fair beauty and 
gentle manners, for they were not all so critical as the 
Venetian ambassador, who at once spotted what he called 
the weak point in her face, its light eyebrows and eye- 
lashes. Under clangour of bells and blare of trumpets, 
and amid the press of her new subjects, Mary, still a 
little pale from her recent fatigues and stormy crossing, 
rode through the Porte Marcade down the wet chaussee, 
all hung with tapestries now damp with rain, meeting 
Mysteries and Moralities at every corner, till she came to 
the Church of St Wolfran, Abbeville's patron saint, 

" Louise de Savoie," by La Maulde Claviere, p. 369. 


where she dismounted to give thanks. On the Place 
where was Mary's lodging her most trying ordeal was 
before her, for there awaited her Madame Claude, who 
had been " slightly indisposed and unable to go out of 
the town to meet her." Mary was of those who thinketh 
little evil, and her kind heart was moved at the sight of 
that white, plain face, with its sweet expression, and she 
met her then, as later, "with, the utmost courtesy and 
honour and very lovingly." x The Venetians, who 
delighted in spectacles, give no account of Mary's 
formal presentation to her husband, and for that reason 
I inclined to the belief that Gaguin's 2 account is 
apocryphal, and that Mary was allowed to sup in peace 
and rest before the ball given by the Duke and Duchess 
of Brittany (as Francois and Claude were called by 
the English) in the evening. Neither do their letters 
mention the homage to St Wolfran, but to give thanks 
at the parish church was usual on such occasions and 
not likely to have been omitted. What a day for a girl 
of nineteen to have passed through ! No wonder she 
looked a little pale and weary, but her spirits never 
flagged nor her amazing energy, and she showed her 
usual zest in dancing and listening to songs and music. 
Her people said she cared for nothing in the world so 
much as dancing and singing, and that night she danced 
and smiled her way into the hearts of the whole 
Court, " for she conducts herself with so much grace and 
has such good manners." The enthusiastic Venetian 
exclaimed, " She is a paradise ! ' and envied the King. 
The ball must have been a sumptuous affair. English 
and French noblemen vied with one another in 

1 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 509, 510, 511, for description of whole episode. 

2 Gaguin, Chronique de France. 


magnificence, and their ladies, too, were glittering with 
jewels and brocades, but in this trial by glory San 
Severino was easily the handsomest in his gown of 
cloth of gold lined with superb sables. The stuff for it, 
ordered specially from Florence, had only arrived the day 
before, to the despair of the tailors, who had had to work 
all night to have it ready for Sunday's doings. 

While one end of the town was dancing and singing, 
in the poorer quarter across the river men were fighting 
flames for their lives and homes. Fire had seized the 
wooden hovels, and no help was to be expected from the 
King's men, for the tocsin was not allowed to disturb 
the King's amusements. Thickly curtained windows 
shut out the sight of the flames from the court, while 
the Italians in the house of the Venetian ambassador 
watched their progress with vehement prayers for de- 
liverance. 1 The high wind fanned them, and many of 
the houses were burnt down before the sounds of royal 
merriment ceased ; but God was merciful to the Italians, 
and the flames were got under before they leapt the 
river. Thus by shipwreck and by fire was Mary's new 
life ushered in. 

1 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 511. 



MARY'S lodging is said to have been " at the 
corner of the street leading from the 
Castle of Ponthieu to the rue St Giles," 
and this, according to " Le Roi des Ribauds," was 
connected by a temporary gallery with the Hotel 
Gruthuse, 1 the King's house, from which it was distanced 
a short stone's throw. But the gardens adjoined, and 
it was by this way, 2 the morning being fine, that the 
marriage procession passed about eight o'clock on 
Monday, October 9, for the wedding was to take place 
an hour later. First walked twenty-six knights two and 
two, then followed trumpeters and all sorts of musicians 
and macers. Mary came next, escorted by the Duke 
of Norfolk and the Marquis of Dorset. She wore a 
gown of stiff gold brocade trimmed and lined with 
ermine, her headgear was in the English fashion, and 
her jewels were of very great price, but she was still 
pale and showed traces of fatigue, and, according to the 
usual tradition, did not look her best as a bride, for 
millinery turns its back on emotions. She was sur- 
rounded by her other noblemen, all cap in hand, and 
more sumptuously dressed than for the entry, for they 
all wore gowns of some kind of cloth of gold lined with 

1 " Lives of the Princeses of England," vol. v. p. 42 et seq. 

2 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 508, 510, 511. 



most beautiful sables, or other kind of fine fur, and their 
gold chains were wearisome to look at, so burdensome 
did they appear in their massiveness. After the noble- 
men followed the Queen's gentlewomen and maidens 
in gold brocade, one after the other, walking between 
two ^ gentlemen cap in hand. Slowly this streak of 
moving gold passed from the garden gate to the door 
of the hall where the ceremony was to take place, by 
a way lined by the gentlemen of the Scots Guards with 
their maces in their hands, and by the archers of the 
Guard. The crush at the door was very great, and 
within the dim hall, lighted by windows representing 
the deeds of St Wolfran, was Louis, dressed, like his 
wife, in cloth of gold and ermine and seated on a chair 
near the altar. When Mary appeared " the King 
doffed his bonnet and the Queen curtseyed to the 
ground," then he kissed her, and she was seated by 
his side on the chair waiting for her under a canopy 
held by the princes of France. The treasurer, Robertet, 
now handed the King a necklace in which was set "a 
great pointed diamond with a ruby almost two inches 
long without foil," x and Louis put it round Mary's neck. 
Mass then began, and the Dauphin served the King, 
while Madame, " with a marvellous sorrow," served 
Mary, as she had been wont to do her mother : 2 the 
candles were held by princes of France. The Cardinal 
of Bayeux married them and then sung Mass, and when 
he gave the wafer, one half to the King and the other 
to the Queen, Louis, after he had kissed and received 
his, turned and kissed his wife. Then Mary again 
curtseyed to the ground, and departed to her own 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5495 ; Calig. D. vi. 199. 

2 Fleurange, op. dt, t pp. 267-8. 


rooms to dine with the French princesses, when she 
was waited on by French officers and the JDuke of 
Albany. The English ambassadors dined with the 
Duke of Brittany and the rest of the company in the 
large chamber of the King's palace where open house 
was kept for all comers during three days. After 
dinner they all danced in the hall till evening, and 
the glitter of the company can hardly be imagined — 
jewels, cloths of gold and silver, brocades, and brilliant 
silks ; beautiful women and fine men, French and 
English, it was impossible to say which were the most 
richly clad, only an Englishman was always known 
by his heavy gold chain. In the evening Louis had 
Mary dressed in French fashion and they gave a ball, 
and there was more dancing, good cheer, and 
banqueting when Mary was served for the last time 
by Englishmen, who, clad in cloth of gold, knelt the 
whole time. Some thought the French fashion did 
not become her so well as the English, others thought 
she had never looked better in her life ; but whichever 
may be correct, Louis at anyrate could not bear her to 
leave his side. She must have chattered away to him 
a kind of mixture of her own desires and vague re- 
membrances of her brother's wishes, for she asked him 
to undertake a new Italian expedition, and told him 
she longed above all things to go to Venice, and Louis 
promised that they would go together. 1 The evening 
passed, " and at the eighth hour before midnight, the 
Queen was taken away from the entertainment by 
Madame to go and sleep with the King," and "the 
next morning, the 10th, the King seemed very jovial 
and gay and in love by his countenance." 

1 C. S. P. Venice, ii. 507, 


But alas ! it was not for long. " Ces amoureuses 
nopces" x were too much for him, " antique anddebile" 
as he was, and the same day the gout gripped him again. 
Perhaps it was this that made him take such a profound 
dislike to old Lady Guildford and insist on her returning 
home. Louis was determined to abide by the original 
contract, and said his wife's foreign train was too large. 
Lady Guildford distrusted Louis as profoundly as he 
disliked her and had an aversion not inexplicable to 
leaving her pupil in the hands of such a feeble old man. 
She went so far, however, as to refuse to leave them 
alone and when Louis would have been " merry " she 
was always there with her forbidding look. Still she 
was Mary's one stay in the circumstances of her marriage, 
and it was hard, much probably as the Queen resented 
her assumed airs of authority, to part from her. But 
go she had to, though Mary wept and said she 
had never expected such treatment, said she would 
write to her brother, and told her to wait at Boulogne 
till the answer arrived, for she would reinstate her. 
Norfolk refused to meddle with the arrangement out of 
pique, for the suite was of Wolsey's choosing, not his. 
Here is Mary's indignant and peremptory letter : — 

" My good Brother, as heartily as I can I recommend 
me unto your Grace, marvelling much that I never heard 
from you since our departing, so often as I have sent and 
written unto you. And now am I left post alone in 
effect, for on the morn after marriage my chamberlain 
and all other men servants were discharged, and in like 
wise my mother Guildford with other my women and 
maidens, except such as never had experience nor know- 

1 Journal de Louise de Savoie, October 9, 1514. 


; ledge how to advertise or give me counsel in any time of 
I need, which is to be feared more shortly than your grace 
thought at the time of my departing, as my mother 
Guildford can more plainly shew your grace than I can 
write, to whom I beseech you to give credence. And if 
it may be by any mean possible I humbly require you 
to cause my said mother Guildford to repair hither 
once again. For else if any chance hap other than weal 
I shall not know where nor by whom to ask any good 
counsel to your pleasure nor yet to mine own profit. I 
marvel much that my lord of Norfolk would at all times 
so lightly grant everything at their requests here. I 
am well assured that when ye know the truth of 
everything as my mother Guildford can shew you, ye 
would full little have thought I should have been thus 
intreated ; that would God my lord of York had come with 
me in the room of Norfolk ; for then I am sure I should 
have been left much more at my heartsease than I am now. 
And thus I bid your grace farewell with [mutilated] 
as ever had Prince : and more heartsease than I have now. 
[I beseech] give credence to my mother Guildford. 
By your loving sister, 

Mary, Queen of France." x 

Not content with this, on the same date, the day 
before Lady Guildford and the rejected suite returned to 
England, she wrote to Wolsey : "I recommend me 
unto you as heartily as I can, and as showeth [be not] 
intreated as the King and you thought I should have 
been, for the morn after the marriage all my servants, 
both men and women, were discharged. Insomuch that 
my mother Guildford was also discharged, whom as you 

1 L. and P. H. VIIL, i. 5488 ; Calig. D. vi. 253. 


know the King and you willed me in anywise to be 
counselled. But for anything I might do in no wise 
might I have any grant for her abode here, which I 
assure you, my lord, is much to my discomfort, besides 
many other discomforts, that ye would full little have 
thought. I have not yet seen in France any lady or 
gentlewoman so necessary for me as she is, nor yet so meet 
to do the King my brother service as she is. And for 
my part, my lord, as you love the King, my brother, 
and me, find the means that she may in all haste come 
hither again, for I had as lief lose the winning I shall 
have in France to lose her counsel when I shall lack it, 
which is not like long to be required as I am sure the 
noblemen and gentlemen can shew you more than be- 
cometh me to write in this matter. I pray you my lord 
give credence to my mother Guildford in everything 
concerning this matter. And albeit my lord of Norfolk 
hath neither dealt with me nor yet with her at this time, 
yet I pray you to be a good lord unto her. And would 
to God my [ . . . "] had been so good to have had 
you with me hither when I had my lord of Norfolk. 
And thus fare ye well, my lord. My lord, I pray you 
give credence to my [mother Guild]ford in my sorrows 
she have delyre. [?] 

From your own while I live, 

Mary, Queen of France." l 

Poor Mary, she was already paying dear, she thought, 
for her jewels, and was little consoled that day by her 
husband's new gifts of rubies and diamonds and pearls. 
But Louis had a story of his own to tell, for Henry and 
Wolsey both wrote on the subject, the bishop as fol- 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5489 ; Calig. D. vi. 143. 


lows: * — " Since the King, my sovereign lord and master, 
your good brother had ordered on account of the true, 
perfect, and entire confidence which he had in Mistress 
Guildford that she should be with the Queen, his sister, 
your wife, on account of the good manners and experi- 
ence which he knew her to have, and also because she 
speaks the language well : in order also that the said 
Queen, his sister, might be better advised, and taught 
by her how she ought to conduct herself towards you 
under all circumstances, considering, moreover, that the 
Queen, his said good sister, is a young lady and that 
she should be abroad, not understanding the language 
perfectly, and having no acquaintance with any of the 
ladies there, to whom she might disclose such feelings 
as women are given to, and that she had no one of her 
acquaintance to whom she could familiarly tell and disclose 
her mind, that she might find herself desolate as it were, 
and might thereby entertain regret and displeasure, 
which peradventure might cause her to have some sick- 
ness and her bodily health to be impaired, which God 
forbid, and should such an accident happen, I believe, 
Sir, that you would be most grieved and displeased. 
And whereas, Sir, I have known and understood that 
the said Mistress Guildford is at Boulogne on her return 
here, and that she was entirely discharged, doubting lest 
the King, my master, should he know it, might think it 
somewhat strange, I have ventured to write to the said 
lady to tarry awhile in the said town of Boulogne until 
I had written to you my poor and simple opinion on 
this subject, which Sir, I now do. And, by your leave, 
Sir, it seems to me that you should retain her for some 

1 Bethune MS. 8466, f. 61, Bib. Nat., Paris, quoted by Mrs Green, 
op. cit., p. 48. 


time in the service of the Queen, your wife, and not 
discharge her so suddenly, seeing and considering that 
the King, your said good brother, has taken her from a 
solitary place which she had never intended to quit, to 
place her in the service of the Queen, his good sister. 
And I have no doubt, Sir, that when you know her well 
you will find her a wise, honourable, and confidential 
lady, very desirous and earnest to follow out in all 
things possible to her, your wish or pleasure in all that 
you may order or command, whatever report has been 
or may be made to the contrary." Gerard Danet 1 had 
been sent on with letters to Wolsey, while the good 
lady planted herself at Boulogne to await the develop- 
ment of events which she expected would make for her 
restoration, and on his way to Canterbury had fallen in 
with Suffolk. The Duke wrote at once to Wolsey of the 
affair in which he saw the hands of the Howards, " fader 
and son," and asked Wolsey to see that something 
was done, for if Mary was not well treated they would 
be blamed. But Louis would have none of her. First 
he remarked dryly to the English agent 2 that " his wife 
and he be in good and perfect love as ever two creatures 
can be, and both of age to rule themself, and not to 
have servants that should look to rule him or her. If 
his wife have need of counsel or to be ruled he is able 
to do it, but he was sure it was never the Queen's mind 
or desire to have her again, for as soon as she came 
aland, and also when he was married, she began to take 
upon her not only to rule the Queen but also that she 
should not come to him but that she should be with 
her, nor that no lady nor lord should speak with her but | 

« L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5512 ; Calig. D. vi. 147. 
2 Ibid., i. 5553 ; Calig. D. yi. 201. 


she should hear it, and began to set a murmur and a 
banding among the ladies of the court." "And then he 
swore that there was never man that better loved his 
wife than he did, but or he would have such a woman 
about her he had liefer be without her." He was sure 
that when Henry knew all, he would be satisfied. "For 
in nowise he would not have her about his wife, also he 
said that he is a sickly body and not at all times that 
[he would] be merry with his wife to have any strange 
wo[man there] but one that he is well acquainted with 
[and before whom he] durst be merry, and that he is 
sure [the Queen his] wife is content withal for he hath 
set [about her neither] lady or gentle- woman to be with 
her for her [mistress but her] servants and to obey her 
commandments." But poor Lady Guildford's unkindest 
cut was to come from her young mistress, for three weeks 
after those impassioned letters Mary calmly assured the 
Earl of Worcester that " she loved my Lady Guildford 
well, but she is content that she come not, for she is in 
that case that she may well be without her, for she may 
do what she will," l and Worcester adds rather doubt- 
fully, " I pray God that so it may continue to his 

The dismissing of the sheep dog was done by Louis 
but the rest of the suite, save those in the original 
contract, was got rid of in a much more ceremonious 
fashion by means of the Council. 2 Francis d'Angouleme 
was at the bottom of it, for he did and undid all in 
the court, and with him just now the English 
ambassadors had to reckon. He was cordiality itself, 
and sent florid messages to Henry, desiring Worcester 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5553 ; Calig. D. vi. 201. 

2 Ibid., i. 5495 ; Calig. D. vi. 199. 


" that sithens the Duke of Angouleme might not come 
to your presence, to bear the Earl of Angouleme's heart 
to you," * and many " other good and hearty words." 
He had cause for contentment if any man of his 
upbringing, ambitions and temperament ever had, for 
his chances of a near throne were increased rather 
than diminished by Louis' marriage, which had so 
enfeebled the King that he could not leave his bed " and 
maketh semblance as he would depart every day, but 
yet he lieth still ever excusing him by his gout." 2 And 
his dutiful son-in-law gaily retailed to his friend 
Fleuranges the greatest joy he had ever had in his 
whole life of twenty years; "Je suis sure, ou on m'a 
bien fort menti, qu'il est impossible que le Roi et 
la Reine puissent avoir enfants." 3 Hence partly his 
cordiality to the king, who had sent " une hacquenee 
pour le [Louis] porter plus vite et plus doucement en 
Enfer ou au Paradis." 

On Friday, October, 13, the English departed laden 
with presents of plate, and with them Mary's rejected 
household, leaving Lady Elizabeth Grey, Mary Fenes, 
Anne Boleyn, Elizabeth Grey [of Wilton], and Anne 
Jerningham, most of them young and inexperienced. 
She retained in all thirteen men, including Dr Denton, 
her almoner, and Maitre Guillaume, her physician, and 
six women, with Jean Barnes, " the chamberiere." 
Mary's eight trumpeters went away with their pockets 
full of gold from the King, Monsieur, Madame, and the 
whole court, while the French court musicians and 
singers were far from content, for the King had for- 
bidden them at the peril of their lives to go to play 

1 L. and P. H. VIIL, i. 5495 ; Calig. D. vi. 199. 

2 Ibid. 3 Fleurange, op. cit., p. 269. 


or sing as wandering minstrels for money in the 
lodgings of the English. The Court continued at 
Abbeville till after the 20th, and Mary was continually 
by the bedside of her husband, who, she told the 
ambassadors, " maketh as much of her as it is possible 
for any man to make of a lady." * She played to 
him on her lute and sang, and he was never happy 
but in her presence, and emptied his seven coffers 
of jewels slowly into her lap. The Dauphin and 
Longueville were her very good friends, and both 
asked her to use her influence with Henry for the 
deliverance at a reduced ransom of French prisoners 
in whom they were interested, and she wrote twice 
on the subject to her brother. There is little doubt 
that Mary found Francis an amusing companion, and 
she probably flirted with her son-in-law, for, after all, 
she was but nineteen and he but twenty, and now 
she was allowed to do as she liked. Henry did not 
write to her, but did to his brother-in-law, who had 
written to him to tell of his joy in the prospect of 
having an heir. Henry replied that he hoped the 
rather capricious nature of his sister would not 
upset these conjugal felicities, "et ainsi lui donnames 
avisement et conseil avant son departement, et ne 
faisons aucun doute l'un jour plus que l'autre ne la 
trouvez telle que doit etre envers vous et faire 
toutes choses qui vous peuvent venir a gr£, plaisir ou 

Before the departure of the English from Abbe- 
ville the Dauphin had caused a joust to be proclaimed 
which was considered of extraordinary character. In 
November, after the entry of the Queen into Paris 

1 L. and P. H. VIIL, i. 5495 ; Calig. D. vi. 199. 


lie, with nine aides, would answer at the barrier all 
vomers that were gentlemen of name and arms, on 
horseback and on foot. " The laws of horseback were 
that with sharp speares they should run five courses 
at Tilt and five more at Randon, being well armed and 
covered with pieces of advantage for their best defeDce. 
After this to fight twelve strokes with sharpe swords. 
This being done, he and his aides offered to fight at 
Barriers with the same persons with a hand spear and 
a sword." x The French herald had carried the pro- 
clamation of the jousts to England, and " the Duke of 
Suffolk, the Marquis of Dorset, and his four brethren, 
the Lord Clinton, Sir Edward Nevile, Sir Giles Capell, 
Thomas Cheyne, and others got licence of the King 
to go over to this challenge." 2 When Suffolk met 
Dannet at Canterbury he was on his way to Boulogne, 
where he landed on October 20, and after, no doubt, 
visiting Lady Guildford with what comfort he could, 
he set out with the Marquis and his brothers, who 
were all awaiting him " in grey coats and hoods because 
they would not be known." 3 The Duke was eager 
to " stryke wyet the Frynche King," 4 and his one 
dread was that the Council, i.e. the Duke of Norfolk 
and his son, the Earl of Surrey, would insist on his 
returning home before this was accomplished, " Where- 
fore, my lord," he wrote to Wolsey, "I beseech you 
nold your hand fast that I be not sent for back." It 
was Suffolk's first visit to France, and his idea of 
distance was insular, not continental, for he expected to 
be in Paris the day after his landing at Boulogne, but 

1 Herbert's History of Henry VIII., pp. 51 et seq. 

2 Stow's Chronicle, ed. 1592, pp. 848 et seq. 3 Ibid. 
4 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5512 ; Calig. D. vi. 147. 


travelling rapidly and passing by Abbeville to Beauvais, 
they came up with the Court there on the 25th. On 
hearing of their arrival Louis sent for Suffolk at once 
to come to him alone, and the Duke was brought 
straight into the King's room, where he was in bed, 
with the Queen sitting beside him. Suffolk did his 
" rywarynes and knyelled down by his bed sede ; [the 
nobleman's own spelling] and soo he brassed me in 
hes armes and held me a good wyell, and said I 
was hartylle wyecoum and axsed me, How dows men 
esspysseal good brodar whom I am so moche bounden 
to lowf abouf hall the warld ? " x Suffolk assured Louis 
of Henry's goodwill and thanks for the honour and 
love showed to his sister. " And upon that his Grace 
said that there should [be nothing] that he will spare 
to do your grace's pleasure a service, with as hearty 
manner as ever I saw a man : and, Sir, I said unto 
him that your Grace would do unto him in like 
case ; and he said, I doubt it not, for I know well the 
nobleness, and trust so much in your master that I 
reckon I have of him the greatest jewel that ever one 
prince had of another." At this appropriate moment 
Suffolk rose from his knees and made his reverence 
unto the Queen. He gave her her brother's messages 
and Queen Katharine's, and was more than relieved 
to see that Mary could control her feelings and 
order herself wisely and honourably, "the which I 
assure your Grace rejoiced me not a little ; your 
Grace knows why." Then he goes on, "for I 
think there was never queen in France that hath 
demeaned herself more honourably or wiselier, and 
so says all the noble men in France that have seen 

1 L. and P. H. VIIL, i. 5523 ; Calig. D. vi. 149. 


her demeanour, the which letted not to speak of it ; 
and as for the King [there was] never a man that 
set his mind more upon [woman] than he does on her, 
because she demeans herself so winning unto him, 
the which I am sure [will be no] little comfort unto 
your Grace." The conversation turned upon the coming 
jousts, and the Duke said it would be little honour 
to win, seeing there were two or three hundred 
answerers, and Louis said that he would introduce 
him and the Marquis to the Dauphin to be his aides, 
and sent for Francis. He came showing himself all 
regard and courtesy, and in his exaggerated way declared 
them not aides only but brothers, and carried Suffolk 
off to supper. There again the conversation was all 
of jousting and the King of England's prowess, and 
Francis, with great tact, would talk of nothing but his 
admiration for Henry's skill. During this interview 
there is no mention of the " trwcheman " in the French 
language which last year Suffolk had found necessary, 
so that he must have taken lessons since his Flemish 

With Suffolk's coming to the Court Mary's difficulties- 
increased, for it was noticed that she gave him many 
marks of her friendship, but the Duke, according 
to the testimony of the Marquis of Dorset, behaved 
himself well and wisely in all matters, and the 
Dauphin's jealous precautions 1 (he insisted that his 
wife should never leave the Queen alone for a 
single minute by day, and that Madame d'Aumont 
should sleep in her room at night) seemed absolutely 
unnecessary to any who had not been brought up 
by Louise de Savoie. 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5569 ; Calig. D. vi. 188. 


The Queen had the pleasure of seeing Suffolk for one 
day only at Beauvais, and the day after the interview 
the English departed with Francis for Paris, hunting 
the boar by the way, when Suffolk and Dorset both 
killed, and on the 28th they came to Paris to 
"commune" about the jousts and to see about armour 
and trappings. The Court came on behind more slowly, 
and did not arrive at St Denis till the 30th, where, 
during the feasts of All Hallows and All Souls, they 
remained quietly in the Abbey. On Friday, Novem- 
ber 3, about ten o'clock, the English ambassadors for the 
Coronation, the Duke of Suffolk, the Marquis of Dorset, 
the Earl of Worcester, the Lord of St Johns [i.e. the 
prior of the English langue of the Order of St John of 
Jerusalem in England], and Dr West, were sent for, and 
the ceremony was announced for the following Sunday. 1 
After this official visit, Suffolk was commanded to the 
King's lodging to see the two princesses. When he 
came in, the King " mad me to kyes hys dawttares," 2 
and they conversed for some time about Wolsey's 
affairs. These were going smoothly, for at Abbeville 
Louis had ordered the French bishop-elect to retire from 
the contest and had told Robertet to compensate him, 
and now Longueville said that everything possible was 
being done about the Cardinalate. The immediate 
question to be settled with the ambassadors was the 
meeting of the two kings, and there was an 
amicable haggle over the place. While the King 
was entertaining the Duke, Mary had received a 
very important visitor, Louise de Savoie, mother of the 
Dauphin. She arrived in Paris at eleven o'clock on 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5547 ; Calig. D. vi. 153. 

2 Ibid. 


the 3rd, " et celui mesme jour sans me reposer je feus 
conseillee d'aller saluer la reine Marie a St Denys : 
et sortis de la ville de Paris a trois heures apres 
midy avec grand nombre de gentishommes." * It is 
very regrettable that she did not record in her 
diary her opinion of the Queen, but, on the other 
hand, it proves that there was nothing to be said 
against Mary, for in that case it would certainly 
have been her pleasure to write it. 

On Sunday, November 5, the Queen was crowned. 
The English were brought to the church by M. de 
Montmorency, and an hour after Mary came in with a 
great company of noblemen and ladies. The Dauphin 
led her, and before her went the Dukes of Alencon, 
Bourbon, Longueville, Albany, the Count of Venddme, 
and the Count of St Pol, with many others. The Queen 
kneeled before the altar, and was anointed by the 
Cardinal of Brie, who delivered to her the sceptre and 
the vierge of justice, put a ring upon her finger, and 
lastly set the crown upon her head, "which done the 
Duke of Brittany (i.e. the Dauphin) led her to a stage 
made on the left side of the altar, where she was set in 
a chair, under a c[loth of State], and the said Duke stood 
behind her holding th[e crown] from her head to ease 
her by the weight thereo[f. And] then the High Mass 
sungen by the said Cardinal, whereat the Queen de- 
parted. After Agnus she [was] houseld. Mass done, 
she departed to the p[alace] and we to our lodgings to 
our dinners." 2 Louis had watched the ceremony 
privately, and next day he left the abbey about seven 

1 "Journal de Louise de Savoie," November 3, 1514. 

2 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5560 ; Calig. D. vi. 205. 


in the morning for Paris, and Mary followed about nine 
to make her solemn entry. After dinner at the Chapelle 
St Denis began the wearisome ceremonial, a repetition 
on a more grandiose scale of the entry into Abbeville. 
The city sent deputations to greet her, the law and the 
merchants likewise, and as Mary's French was not equal 
to the burden of replying to their welcome, the Arch- 
bishop of Paris had to be her spokesman. This was 
just outside the barriers, where the procession was 
formed, a replica of that at Abbeville. There were the 
same guards, the mingling of the French and English 
heralds, royal and noble, the Princes of the blood, the 
Queen's courser and palfrey, and then Mary, this time 
seated in her litter of state, wearing her crown, glittering 
with jewels worn on her gown of cloth of gold and in her 
hair. The Dauphin, "lui aussi tout or et diamants," 
again rode by her side, and they frequently spoke 
together. Then followed as before the ladies, the 
French princesses, and the State carriages of the 
Queen with her ladies and damsels. At the Porte 
St Denis the trades were waiting with a canopy of 
cloth of gold embroidered with roses and lilies, and 
this they bore over the Queen, but, once inside the 
gate, another halt had to be made to allow a second 
canopy borne by the merchants and burgesses to be 
placed over that of the trades. At this point was 
an allegorical display on a tapestry-covered scaffold 
of the arms of the city of Paris, a galley under 
sail with the four winds blowing with bursting 
cheeks upon it. On the deck were Ceres and Bacchus, 
while Paris held the tiller. Sailors manned the yards 
and chanted, 


" Noble dame bien soit venue en France : 
Par toi vivons en plaisir et en joye, 
Francoys, Angloys vivent a leur plaisance : 
Louange a Dieu du bien qu'il nous envoy e." 

Mary's courteous grace in acknowledging the acclama- 
tion with which she was greeted as usual pleased the 
people, and she passed on down the tapestry-hung 
streets, and through the crowds of cheering people, 
passed the Fontaine du Ponceau, where the water 
was scattered over two plants, a lily and a rose ; passed 
the convent of the Holy Trinity, where she saw herself 
presenting the Pax to her husband, passed the Porte 
au Peintres, the Holy Innocents, and then on by the 
Chatelet, where Justice and Truth met together, 
and she herself, labelled " Stella Maris," was in the 
foreground, to the Palais Royale, where the angel 
Gabriel was greeting Mary in the field of France, 
and they sang, 

" Comme la paise entre Dieu et les hommes 
Par le moyen de la vierge Marie 
Fut jadis faicte, ainsy a present somme 
Bourgoys Francoys deschargez de nos sommes 
Car Marie avecque nous se marie." 

But this was not the end, though the afternoon was 
wearing on. The procession now proceeded to Notre 
Dame de Paris, where all the learned in theology, 
law and medicine met her in their furred gowns, 
and outside the church she was harangued by a 
venerable doctor. Through the open doors of the 
Cathedral could be seen dimly the group of great 
ecclesiastics waiting to welcome her. Mary got out 
of her litter and entered the doors, and at once the 
bells rang out, and the organs sounded, while the 


whole clergy chanted the Te Deum, as they turned 
and led the procession to the high altar. There the 
whole company adored the Mass, and then the 
Archbishop of Paris bade the Queen welcome. Back 
again in her litter to the Palais Koyale (and it was 
now six o'clock) went the Queen with no chance of 
rest, for the gargantuan part of her day's work re- 
mained, and she had to sup in public at the celebrated 
marble table, the centre of the government of France. 
In the Grande Salle the doric pillars were all surrounded 
by sideboards laden with gold and silver plate, the 
walls were hung with tapestry, and the air was so 
melodious with clarion and trumpet, that it seemed 
paradise rather than a room in an earthly palace. 
Mary had Madame Louise de Savoie, and her daughter 
the Duchess of Alencon, with the Duchess of Nevers, 
at her table, while her ladies, English and French, 
dined near by. There were many wonderful dishes 
of the four and twenty blackbirds type ; a phoenix 
beating its wings till fire consumed it ; a cock and 
a hare jousting ; a St George on horseback leading La 
Pucelle against the English. The heralds and musicians 
cried " Largesse," and Mary gave to them a ship 
of silver, and at last, after being rejoiced by a few 
more pastimes and diversions, she was at liberty to 
take her leave. 1 Next day after Mass she rode to 
the Hotel des Tournelles (which Suffolk calls Turnells 
tout court), and there she found her husband awaiting 
her. The remainder of the week was filled by 
ceremonies incident to the presentations of gifts by 
the guilds and merchants of the city of Paris, but 
Mary found time to write to Wolsey for temporary 

1 Vespasian B. ii., quoted by Mrs Green, op. cit, pp. 56 et seq. 


help till her estate was settled for her whilom French 
master, John Palsgrave, who had not returned to 
England with the rest of her rejected train, but had 
made his way to Paris, evidently encouraged by his 
mistress, in order to study. 1 

* L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5582. RO. 



ON MONDAY, September 28, before the 
marriage, Montjoye, the French Herald, had 
carried the French challenge to England, and 
the jousts had been proclaimed at Canterbury by the 
Garter King at Arms. The date now had been 
definitely fixed for November 13, and nothing else 
was talked of in Paris, while the Dauphin was and had 
been so busy with the arrangements that he had not 
attended any councils, nor taken part in any of the 
deliberations with the English ambassadors. 1 The Earl 
of Dorset had no very exalted opinion of him as a 
j ouster, and he told Wolsey that " we found him and 
his company not like as they have been named ; for 
though they do run trimly and handle themself well 
[enough] with their small and light staves, they could 
not well trim themselves in their harn[ess but] be content 
to have our poor advices." 2 But if he knew little about 
harness he took delight in organizing the ceremonies 
of the occasion, and erected an arch triumphant at Les 
Tournelles, in the rue St Antoine, on which four shields 
were to be placed, and the rules were " that he who 
would touch any of them must first enter his name and 
arms. That he who touched the first which was silver 
should run at tilt according to the articles, who touched 

1 La Maulde Claviere, o}). cit. 370. 

2 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5569 ; Calig. D. vi. 188. 



the golden should run at Randon as above mentioned. 
He that touched the black shield should fight on foot 
with hand spears or swords for the one hand : six foynes 
with the hand spear, and then eight strokes to the 
most advantage (if the spear so long held), and after 
that twelve strokes with the sword. He that touched 
the tawny shield should cast a spear on foot with a 
target on his arm and after fight with a two-handed 
sword." 1 The weather made the preparations difficult. 
It poured constantly, and the floor of the lists was every 
day a serious question, for the sand strewn upon it was 
daily washed away. 2 Francis was determined that the 
tourney should outshine in all things the tales he had 
heard of English magnificence, and money flowed like 
water, "une veritable d^bauche d'or et d'argent." 
Armourers, painters and tailors were all reaping a 
golden harvest, and he borrowed and bought horses 
wherever he could. 3 It was all for a woman's eyes too, 
for the Dauphin's passion for his mother-in-law was 
becoming notorious, and the story goes that he had 
even arranged to surprise Mary one night in her room, 
but was prevented by a friend of his own, whose 
reasoning was too forcible to be disregarded. 4 His 
mother also remonstrated, and it was possibly at this 
time that Suffolk had " words " with him. Francis had 
to content himself with outdoing his rival in millinery, 
for it was absurd that he should have even hoped to 
overcome him in the lists, and for this he had no 
opportunity, though Suffolk had hoped and longed to 
come to strokes with the French King, and, failing 

1 Herbert's Life of Henry VIII., p. 51 et seq. 

2 La Maulde Claviere, op. cit. 377. 

3 Ibid. 4 Ibid., 383. 


him, with Francis. Suffolk and Dorset rode with the 
Dauphin's other aides, and wore, like the rest, cloth of 
gold covered with cloth of silver with trappings of 
cloth of gold and crimson satin for their horses. The 
officers of the lists, the musicians, and all connected 
with the fete were glittering in the same stuffs. At 
last the longed-for Monday arrived. Louis was so 
feeble that he was carried in a litter and lay on a couch 
in the royal stand, while Mary sat beside him. She was 
received, as usual, with acclamation. From the very 
opening of the jousts the English champions were the 
heroes of the crowd, especially Suffolk, whose prowess 
easily placed him first. All the chivalry of France was 
there : Bourbon, Lorraine, St Pol, Aragon [the bastard], 
Lautrec, Bayard, Bonnivet, Montmorency; and the 
Marquis of Dorset modestly described the English 
fortunes to Wolsey. On Monday, the 13th inst, the 
jousts began, and continued three days. The Duke of 
Suffolk and he ran three days and lost nothing. One 
Frenchman was slain at the tilt and divers horses. 
" On Saturday, the 18th, the tourney and course in the 
field began as roughly as ever I saw, for there were 
divers times both horse and man overthrown, horses slain 
and one French man hurt that he is not like to live. 
My lord of Suffolk and I ran the first day thereat, but 
put our aides thereto because there was no nobleman to- 
be put unto us ; but poor men of arms and Scots, many 
of them, were hurt on both sides, but no great hurt, and 
of our Englishmen none overthrown nor greatly hurt 
but a little° of their hands." On Tuesday, the 21st, the 
fighting on foot began, " to the which they brought an 
Almayn that never came into the field before and put 
him to my lord of Suffolk to have us put to shame, but 


-advantage they gat none of us, but rather the contrary. 
I forbear to write more of our chances because I am 
party therein. I ended without any manner hurt. My 
lord of Suffolk is a little hurt in his hand." *■ The over- 
whelming superiority of his rival roused all that was 
meanest in Francis. He had been slightly wounded in 
the hand, a mere nothing, which sent his mother into 
convulsions, and therefore not being present, he, as 
Dorset said above, " brought a man secretly which in all 
the court of France was the tallest and strongest man ; and 
he was an Almayn ; and put him in the place of another 
person to have had the Duke of Suffolk rebuked. The 
same great Almayn came to the bars fiercely with face 
hid, because he would not be known, and bare his spear 
to the Duke of Suffolk with all his strength, and the 
Duke him received, and for all his strength put him by 
strong strokes from the barriers, and with the butt end 
of the spear strake the Almayn that he staggered ; but 
for all that the Almayn strake strongly and hardly at 
the Duke, and the judges suffered many more strokes to 
be foughten than were appointed ; but when they saw 
the Almayn reel and stagger then they let fall the rail 
between them." 2 "Then they took some breath and 
returned to fight again ; when the Duke so pommelled 
the Almayn about the head that blood gushed from his 
nose, which being done the Almayn was conveyed away 
secretly." 3 And so Francis was hoist with his own 
petard, and gained neither fight nor mistress, for Mary's 
feelings, national and personal, were roused to scorn by 
this attempt to steal her lover's glory. She had already 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5606 ; Calig. D. vi. 192. 

2 Hall's Chronicle, ed. 1809, p. 572. 

3 Herbert's Life of Henry VIII., p. 51 et seq. 


complained to the English ambassadors of his attentions 
as would seem by Suffolk's letter of November 18, 
when he said the Queen had disclosed to him and to 
Dorset divers things which they felt they could not 
wholly repeat to their fellow ambassadors or write 
safely in a letter, but which made them anxious to leave 
her in the hands of good friends. 1 Louis, in his love for 
his wife, his hatred of his successor, and his honest 
appreciation of a good fight, was entirely in sympathy 
with his wife, and told her, she repeated exultingly to 
the Englishmen, that they had shamed all France and 
that they would carry the prize into England. 2 Francis 
was for the moment eclipsed, and Louis consulted him 
no more, but transacted business in his bedroom with 
Mar/ by his side. But the Dauphin was of that 
enviable band who never feel the shame of defeat 
and never allow mere personal feelings to interfere 
jwith their future, and he gave up for the moment 
(his pursuit of his mother-in-law and threw himself 
just as ardently into his intrigue with Madame de 

The Earl of Dorset and the other ambassadors, all 
pensioners of the French treasury, were to return to 
England on the 27th or 28th, but Suffolk, who had 
received a large sum of money and also a pension, 
remained to transact some secret business for the 
recovery of Navarre. The departure of the English 
marked practically the close of the marriage festivities, 
for with the exception of another "repas pantagruelique " 
at the Hotel de Ville, given by the city to the Queen 
and Court, followed by a florid oration from a deputation 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5590 ; Calig. D. yi. 156. 
2 Ibid., i. 5606 ; Calig. D. vi. 192. 


from the University, Mary lived quietly with her 
husband at St Germains-en-Laye, whither the Court had 
retired on the 23rd. 

The French chroniclers, who suggest that Mary's one 
idea was to have a son, and to give an heir to France, 
go certain lengths in their inferences which are not 
borne out by such contemporary papers as are to be 
found. Above all, they presuppose that the Queen was 
capable of a subtle policy to supplant the Dauphin with 
his own bastard, or failing that with Suffolk's. Against 
the first possibility has to be put the fact that she was 
in love with Suffolk, and that this constantly overlay 
her attitude to Francis, for she was always more woman 
than queen ; against the second, that Suffolk's career 
depended entirely on his master's pleasure and his 
happiness on the famous water-side promise, so that it 
would have been sheer madness in him to have risked 
either, when before his eyes Death was preparing to do 
his part in his future felicity. Why should he be the 
lover of his master's sister and heir, when a few months 
might see him her husband ? He was also ambitious. 
The judgment of French writers falls short of the events, 
and is bound up with the sentiment of Francis couplet, 

"Souvent femme varie 
bien fol qui s'y fi. — " 

Above all, Mary had no political genius, and one 
suspects her of being mentally incapable of either 
conceiving or carrying out such a plan. 

The second week in December saw Suffolk depart, 
carrying with him the good wishes of Louis, who said he 
had seldom seen a man he liked better, and wrote to 
Henry that his " virtues, manners, politeness, and good 




condition " deserved the greatest honours. 1 The secret 
business had been dispatched. Henry, to revenge 
himself on Spain and Flanders, revived his father's 
policy, and wanted to claim the throne of Castile in the 
right of his wife, and he asked Louis to co-operate in 
Navarre. On this subject the King and the Duke 
mutually groped at one another with pleasant words, 
till they arrived at the conclusion that Louis was 
willing to join Henry, but in return pressed his own 
claims on Milan, and asked for help towards the 
recovery of that duchy. Suffolk also bore the news 
that the King of France was desperately ill, for it was 
easily seen that the doctors had been right and that 
Louis would never recover the strength shattered by 
his marriage. The change from methodical sobriety to 
fetes and late hours ; he used to go to bed at six, and 
now it was generally midnight ; the constant excitement 
and movement were too much for his feeble health, 
and, as has been seen, he had spent much of the time 
• since his marriage in bed or on a couch. Fleurange's 
contemporary account of these last days is worth 
quoting : " Le roi partit du palais (S. Germain- en- 
Laye) et s'en vint loger aux Tournelles a Paris parce- 
que le lieu est en meilleur air, et aussi ne se sentait pas 
fort bien, car il avait voulu faire du gentil compagnon 
avec sa femme; mais il s'abusait, car il n'e'tait pas 
» homme pour ce faire : car de longtemps il etait fort 
malade et sp^cialement des gouttes, et avoir deja cinq 
ou six ans qu'il en avait cuide^ mourir, car il fut 
abandonne par les medecins et vivait d'un merveilleuse- 
ment grand regime lequel il rompit quand il fut avec sa 
femme; et lui disaient bien les medecins que s'il 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., i. 5717 ; Calig. D. vi. 146. 


continuait il en mourrait pour se jouir. Ceux de la 
basoche a Paris disaient que le roi d'Angleterre avait 
envoy e une hacquen^e au roi 'de France pour le 
porter bientot et plus doucement en enfer ou au paradis. 
Toutefois lui e*tant malade envoy a querir Monsieur 
d'Angouleme, et lui dit qu'il se trouvait fort mal et que 
jamais n'en ^chaperait ; de laquelle chose le dit sieur 
le reconfortait a son pouvoir, et qu'il faisait ce qu'il 
pouvait. Et fit le dit seigneur Roi a sa mort tout 
plein de mines ; Nonobstant quand il se fut bien 
deTendu contre la mort il mourut par un premier jour 
de l'an, sur lequel jour fit le plus horrible temps que 
jamais on vit." x 

The traditional picture of Mary during these days 
shows her at his bedside, amusing him by singing and 
playing, and the last letter of Louis XII., written a few 
days before his death to Henry VIII. , is in praise of his 
wife, "who has hitherto conducted herself, and still does 
every day towards me in such a manner that I cannot 
but be delighted with her, and love and honour her 
more and more each day." 2 Tradition also says that 
she was kept in ignorance of her husband's hopeless 
condition, and that on the night of his death she had 
gone off to bed as usual, believing that this was only 
a rather worse attack. 3 But the young Queen had eyes 
in her head and could use them, and that she was 
expecting the event and that Suffolk had gone homej 
prepared for it is seen by Wolsey's letter of the last 
days of December, or the early days of January, wherein 

1 Fleurange, op. cit, xlv. 271 et seq. 

2 L. and P. H. VIIL, i. 5717 ; Calig. D. vi. 146. 

3 " Epitre de la reine Marie : Epitres Morales et Familieres," 
J. Bouchet. 


he offers his consolation in the danger, and perhaps 
death, of the King, for " in likelihood or this time he is 
departed to the mercy of God," and though she was 
not there at midnight when the long struggle ended, 
her representatives were. 

Thus, on New Year's Day, 1515, the Dauphin's lucky 
day, Francis I. began to reign at Paris, while the same 
day Brussels saw her Prince also take up the reins of 




TRADITION says that Mary fainted on being 
told of the death of her husband, and in spite 
of the covert sneers of his countrymen, the 
thing is not impossible, for her situation, difficult as it 
had been, became now a hundred times more so, and 
for the moment she might easily fall under its weight. 
For the moment there were ceremonies to be gone 
through, and the King had to be carried away from the 
palace to the melancholy sound of the tinkling 
"campanes" and cries of "le bon roi Louis, pere du 
peuple, est mort," to lie in state in the church of Notre 
Dame, and afterwards through the mud to St Denis for 
burial, while his widow had to flit from Les Tournelles 
to the Clugny Palace by the river, where la Reine 
Blanche, as the widow of the French King was always 
called, was expected to mourn for six weeks. There, 
clad in white, the Queen was supposed to keep her bed 
for that time, with curtained windows and by candle 
light, secluded from the world and surrounded by her 
women. Francis showed himself very sympathetic,, 
and Mary kept the same state there as though she 
had been Queen, while every evening he visited her and 
comforted her according to his views. The Venetian 

ambassador says that Mary at once said that the Dauphin 
i 4 8 


could call himself King, for she was not going to have 
a child, but, as was the custom, he had to wait three 
weeks before etiquette allowed him to assume the 

News was at once sent by Mary to England, and 
she awaited letters which would tell her that her brother 
was going to keep the promise he had given at the 
water-side at Dover. For there had been, she herself 
confessed it, at some time or other stolen meetings 
between her and Suffolk, and sweet words, and with 
the short memory of youth she had already cast the 
disagreeable past behind her and was looking into the 
future. The first letter which reached her was the 
one from Wolsey x already quoted, written before 
the news of Louis's death had reached England. He 
offered his consolation and advice " how your Grace 
shall demean [yourself] being in this heaviness and 
among strangers far from [your] most loving brother, 
and other your assumed friends and servants. Touch- 
ing your consolation, I most heartily beseech your Grace 
with thanksgiving to God to take wisely and patiently 
such visitation of Almighty God, against whose ordinance 
no earthly creature may be, and not by extremity of 
sorrow to hurt your noble person." He assured her 
that Henry will not forsake her, and begs her for the old 
service the writer has done her to do nothing without 
the advice of his Grace, however she should be 
persuaded to the contrary, and to let nothing pass her 
mouth, " whereby any person in these parts may have 
[you] at any advantage. And if any motions of 
marriage or other fortune to be made unto you in no 
wise give hearing to them. And thus doing, ye shall 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 15 j Calig. D. vi. 268. 


not fail to have the King fast and loving to you, to 
attain to your desire [and come] home again into 
England with as much honour as [Queen ever] had. 
And for my part to the effusion of my [blood and 
spen]ding of my goods I shall never forsake nor 
leav[e you.] " Henry sent her his surgeon, Master John, 1 
with letters of comfort, telling her to make ready to 
return to England, but for all that her letter to him 
shows she was in very low spirits, with fits of hysterical 
crying and toothache. 2 

As was to be expected, the party opposed to Suffolk 
and Wolsey in the Council, led by Norfolk, used all 
means to prevent the marriage, and attacked Mary 
herself through her confessor, Father Langley, 3 who 
came to her one day to ask her to be shriven. But 
she said no, she had no mind for confession, and would 
say nothing of what was in her mind. " And then the 
said friar shewed her that he had the same day said 
mass, and he sware by the Lord he had that day 
consecrated and that under benedicite he would shew 
her divers things that were of truth, and of which he 
had perfect knowledge, desiring her to give him 
hearing and to keep the same to herself." Then he 
went on to tell her of the bruit in England that she 
was to be married to Suffolk, and advised her to 
beware of him, for he and Wolsey meddled with the 
devil, and by his puissance they kept their master 
subject to them, especially Suffolk, who had caused the 
disease in Sir William Compton's leg. This Father 
Langley knew for a fact, she need have no doubt of its 
truth, and the only thing to be done to save her soul 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 81 ; Calig. D. vi. 251. 2 Ibid. 

3 Ibid., ii. (i.) 80 and 138 ; Calig. D. vi. 179 and 187. 


was to hinder Suffolk's " voyage." [There seems to 
have been a second friar in the plot, but the letter is 
burnt and mutilated, and it is impossible to get the 
exact sense.] It was a tactless, useless move on 
Norfolk's part, for Mary, being a woman in love, gave 
the friar " small comfort," and from the interview 
merely gathered what fed her desire, that the people 
in England were openly speaking of her coming 
marriage with Suffolk. In his daily visits, Francis 
had hinted at other marriages, and suggested as 
husbands the Duke of Savoy 1 and the Duke of 
Lorraine, or else that she should not marry, but remain 
in France and hold her Court at Blois, of which country 
he offered her the revenues, and then made suit unto 
her, " not according with mine honor," as she wrote. 
He played his best card, how T ever, when he told her 
that Suffolk's coming to fetch her home was only a 
blind, for under secret promise of marriage she was to 
be decoyed back into England and then married to the 
Prince of Castile. 2 There can be little doubt that the 
King played with the helpless creature, and renewed 
his love-making in the newly darkened mourning room 
to her " extreme pain and annoyance." No wonder 
she had fits of "the mother," and wept piteously and 
exclaimed passionately that rather than go to England, 
to be married again to any strange prince, she would 
live and die in a convent, and thus she wrote to her 
brother. " I would be very glad to hear that your 
Grace were in good health and p[eace], the which should 
be a great comfort to me, and that it would please your 
Grace to send more oft time to me than you do, for as 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 80 ; Calig. D. vi. 179. 

2 Ibid. 


now I am all out of comfort saving that all my trust 
is in your Grace and so shall be during my life. Sir, I 
pray your Grace will send hither as soon as you 
may possibly hither to me. Sir, I beseech your Grace 
that you will keep all the promises that you 
promised me when I took my leave of you by 
the w[ater s]ide. Sir, your Grace knoweth well, that I 
did marry for your pleasure a]t this time, and now I 
trust that you will suffer me to [marry as] me l[iketh 
fo]r to do . . . for I assure your Grace that [my mi]nd 
is not there where they would have me, and I trust 
[your Grace] will not do so to me that has always been so 
glad to fulfil your mind as I have been. Wherefore, I 
beseech your Grace for to be good lord and brother to 
me, for, sir, an if your Grace will have gran[ted] me 
married in any place sav[ing] whereas my mind is, I 
will be there whereas your Grace nor no other shall have 
any joy of me, for I promise your Grace you shall hear 
that I will be in some religious house, the which I think 
your Grace would be very sorry of, and all your realm. 
Also, sir, I know well that the King that is [my s]on will 
send unto your Grace by his uncle the Duke of [Savoy] for 

to marry me here [I sha]ll never be merry at 

my heart (for an ever that I d[o marr]y while I live), 
I trow your Grace knoweth as well as I do, and did 
before I came hither, and so I trust your Grace will be 
contented, unless I would never marry while I live, but 
be there where never man nor woman shall have joy of 
me. Wherefore I beseech your Grace to be good lord to 
him and to me both, for I know well that he hath [. . . ] 
to your Grace of him and me both. Wherefore an your 
Grace be good lord to us both, I will not care for all the 
world else, but beseech your Grace to be good lord and 


brother to me, as you have been here aforetime f[or in 
you] is all the trust that I have in this world after 
God. No m[ore from m]e at this [time]. God send 
your Grace [long life an]d your heart's de[sires]. 
By your humble and loving sister, 

Mary, Queen of France. 1 

To the King my brother, this 
to be delivered in haste." 

All her fears seemed at first for nothing. Henry was 
quite willing she should marry his favourite, and had 
she but kept her mental poise she would have carried 
her love to a triumphant open marriage. But six weeks 
in a darkened room, with Francis, " who looked like the 
devil," her visitor every evening, her mouth closed by 
command of her brother and her adviser Wolsey, her 
nerves racked by whispers of false dealing at home and 
by the senseless suspicions that attack all lovers, had 
wrought her to no state of cool reasonableness by the 
time Suffolk and his fellow-ambassadors arrived. 

There is absolutely no doubt that Henry meant to 
keep his famous " water-side " promise, and immediately 
on receiving official notice, on January 14, of the death 
of the French King, sent the Duke of Suffolk, Sir 
Kichard Wingfield, and Dr Nicholas West, to condole 
with Francis and to congratulate him. Their credentials 
also were for the arranging of the return of the Queen 
and her dowry. At Suffolk's last interview with Henry 
at Eltham, 2 before he set out, the King disclosed to him 
his mind about his sister, but made him promise on oath 
that he would be nothing to her save the ambassador of 

l L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 228 ; Calig. D. vi. 249. Green's "Koyal 
and Illustrious Ladies," i. 187. 2 Ibid., ii. (i.) 224. K.O. 


the King of England till he had brought her safe out of 
France. Henry knew his sister's impulsive nature and 
trusted his friend absolutely. Suffolk gave the oath, and 
said he would rather be torn by wild horses than break 
it. They clasped hands upon it, and the Duke set out 
for his undoing b}' a woman's tears. 

Mary had in the meantime replied 1 to Wolsey's letter 
much in the same tone as she wrote to her brother, 
" and whereas you advise me that I should make no 
promise [of marriage] my lord, I trust the King my 
brother and you will not reckon in me such childhood." 
It passed her knowledge how Wolsey and Henry could 
for one moment imagine she would have anything- to do 
with a foreign marriage, and when Francis continued to 
assure her that he knew from the state of affairs in 
Flanders that Suffolk's coming was only a blind to entice 
her home, " for if she went to England she should go to 
Flanders " as wife of the Prince, she wept bitterly ; and 
on the King pressing his own suit as a means of escape 
from such fortune she wiped her tears and said, " Sir, I 
beseech you that you will let me alone and speak no 
more to me of the matter, and if you will promise me 
by your faith and truth and as you are a true prince that 
you will keep it counsel and help me, I will tell you all 
my whole mind." 2 For she feared, remembering that 
Francis and Suffolk had had words about her, that ill 
might fortune to the Duke. Francis, possibly seeing in 
this one way of getting within her guard, gave her his 
faith in her hand that he would keep what she told him 
secret and help her to the best of his power. So the 
tangled creature cast herself on his mercy and told 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 16 ; Vesp. F. xiii. 202.6. 
2 Ibid., ii. (i.) 134 ; Calig. D. vi. 163. 




him all her mind and all that had passed between her 
and Suffolk down to some secret " ware " 1 word they had 
used, and no doubt grew happier in the telling. She 
ended by saying that she feared her brother's displeasure, 
and implored Francis to write to him to get his consent. 
This the King promised to do on the understanding that 
his hunting of her should never be disclosed to Henry, 
for it would not tally well with the filial attitude he had 
assumed in his letters. He felt he had done a good 
evening's work, for he was not one to play a losing game,, 
and he now had Suffolk in his hands for as the price of 
his marriage he could exact the Duke's help in gaining 
Tournay from Henry, while after all Mary as the 
richest marriage in Europe would hardly have been 
allowed to remain quietly at Blois. 

On Saturday, the 27th January, 2 Suffolk arrived at 
Senlis, and there, hearing that Francis was at Kheims, 
" where he was sacred on S. Paul's day," he sent a 
message asking for an audience. Francis sent word that 
he was glad of their coming, and he would either come 
to them on Candelmas Eve or else they might come 
to him straightway. For convenience' sake, on the 
advice of the Admiral Bonnivet, the embassy decided to 
wait till Thursday, and on that day their old friend 
Longueville appeared at their lodging to take them out 
of the town, about a mile, to meet the King and to- 
make his entry with him. " He received them heartily, 
asking for the health of the King and the Queen's grace, 
and conversed with them as lovingly and familiarly as 
ever he did, expressing his pleasure for the renewal of 
the peace between the two countries, and also touching 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 101 ; Calig. D. vi. 174. 

2 Ibid., ii. (i.) 105 ; Calig. D. vi. 266. 


the Queen's grace your sister's affairs." That afternoon, 
at 2 o'clock, Suffolk had his state audience for con- 
dolence and congratulation and renewal of the amity. 
He also thanked Francis in the King's name, " for the 
singular comfort he had given the Queen in this her 
heaviness, reciting how lovingly he had written to your 
Grace by his last letters, that he would neither do her 
wrong nor suffer her to take wroug of any other 
person, but be to her as a loving son should be to his 
mother, praying him of continuance. Whereunto he 
answered that he might do no less with his honour, 
seeing that she was your sister, a noble princess and 
married to his predecessor. And h[ow] lovingly he 
had behaved him to her, he said, he trusted that she 
should make report herself to [you], and that that he 
did, he did with good heart, and n[ot grudingly] and 
much the rather for your Grace's sake." 1 They then 
asked for licence to condole with Mary, and he answered 
he was well content. Thus far all was ceremony. 
Later in the afternoon the real encounter took place and 
Suffolk had to cry touche. Francis sent for him to his 
bedroom, and without preface said, " My lord of Suffolk, 
so it is that there is a bruit in this my realm, that you 
are come to marry the Queen, your master's sister." 2 
Suffolk stood his ground and remembered his promise. 
" I trust your grace," he replied, " would not reckon so 
great folly in me to come into a strange realm to marry 
the Queen of the realm without your knowledge and 
without authority from my master, and that I have 
not, nor was it ever intended on my master's part nor on 
mine." But Francis answered, " Not so," and "for then," 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 105 ; Calig. D. vi. 206. 

2 Ibid., ii. (i.) 106 ; Calig. D. vi. 174. 


goes on Suffolk's letter, " [as], I would not be plain 
with him, he would be plain with me, and showed me 
that the Queen had broken her mind unto him, and 
that he had promised her his faith and truth, and of 
the truth of a King, that he would help her and d[o 
what was possible in him to help her to obtain [her 
heart's desijre. * And because ' [, went on Francis], ' that 
you shall not th[ink that I do] bear you in this hand 
and that [she has not spo]ke her mind, I will s[hew 
you some wor]ds that you had to her, and so showed 
me a ware word, the which none alive could tell them 
but she ; and when that then I was abashed and he 
saw that, and said, ' because for you shall say that you 
have found a kind prince and a loving, and because 
you shall not think m[e other], here I give you in your 
hand my faith and truth by the word of a King, that 
I shall never fail unto you but to help and advance 
this matter betwixt her and you with as good a will as 
[I] would for minefself].' And when he had done this 
I could do none less than thank his Grace for the great 
goodness that his Grace intended to show unto the 
Queen and me, and by it I showed his Grace that I 
was like to be undone if this matter came to the 
knowledge of the King my master. And then he 
said, ' Let me alone for that ; I and the Queen shall so 
instance your master that I trust he would be content, 
and because I would gladly put your heart at rest I 
will when I come to Paris speak with the Queen, and 
she and I both will write letters to the King your 
master, with our own hands in the best manner that 
can be devised.' " * Suffolk was overjoyed, " bounden to 
God," but cautious. The man he most feared as an 

1 L. and P. H. Villi, ii. (i.) 106 ; Calig. D. vi. 174. 


obstacle was " contented to be the doer of the act 
himself and to instance the King my master in the 
same." 1 This would also improve Henry's position 
towards the anti-Suffolk party in the Council, for if he 
allowed the marriage at the express desire of the French 
King, " his Grace shall be marvellously discharged 
against his Council as all the other noblemen of his 
realm." 2 Still Suffolk's experience had been that 
Francis was not without guile and he would not 
act, he said, till he had heard from Wolsey, whom he 
prayed " with all the haste possible send me your 
best [counsel what yo]u shall think best that I shall 
[do in this mat]ter ; and if you shall think good [to ad- 
vertise hi]s Grace of this letter I pray you [to give mi]ne 
assurances to his Highness that I had [rather an I dared, 
have written] unto him myself." 3 This was written 
ten leagues from Paris on February 3rd. The following 
day, Sunday, the embassy reached Paris, and the im- 
patient Queen could not wait till Monday, but sent for 
Suffolk at once. Then all her emotion burst forth, and 
she poured out to his willing ears all the worries and 
distresses of her mind, and told him imperiously that she 
wanted none other husband but he, "if I would be 
ordered by her, she would never have none but me." She 
said that unless he married her before they went to 
England she would neither marry him nor go to England, 
and she wept. He asked her what she meant by that, 
" and," Suffolk's letter goes on, " she said the best in 
France had said unto her that and she went to England 
she should go to Flanders. To the which she said she 
had rather to be torn in pieces than ever she should 

i L. and P. H. VIIL, ii. (i.) 106 ; Calig. D. vi. 174. 
2 Ibid. 3 Ibid. 


come there, and with that wept. Sir, I never saw 
woman so weep. And when I saw [that] I showed unto 
her Grace that there was none such thing [upon] my 
faith with the best words I could, but in none ways I 
could make her to believe it. And when I saw that, 
I showed her Grace that and her Grace would be content 
to write unto your Grace and to obtain your good will 
I would be content, or else I durst not because I had 
made unto your Grace such a promise." Her lover's 
caution angered Mary, for having thrown herself with 
abandon into the situation, she resented his thinking 
of a mere promise to a third person where she was 
concerned, so she reasoned and threatened : "if the 
King my brother is content and the French King both, 
the tone by his letters and the tother by his words that 
I should have you, I will have the time after my desire, 
or else I may well think that the words of [them] in 
these parts and of them in England [be] true, and that is 
that you are come to tyes me home [to the in ]tent that 
I may be married into Fland[ers] which I never will, 
to die for it, and so [I possessed the French King and 
you came ; and th[at of] you will not be content to 
follow [my] end look never after this d[ay to have] the 
proffer again." Here was a cruel dilemma ; to lose 
either his master's favour or his mistress's love ! Had 
Francis not spoken Suffolk might possibly have held 
out, for there was his promise, but now things seemed 
in train to a happy issue and rather " than to lose all " 
he promised to marry her before they went to England. 
Mary was not content with that, and said if he did not 
marry her within four days he would never have her, 
and to this also he consented. Were Sir Kichard 
Wingfield and Dean West to know of their decision? 


No, decided Mary, for they would only give "mo 
counsel to the contrary," and Suffolk knew this to be 
true as the least devoir of sensible men, so they were 
left in the dark. 1 The next day Wingfield and West 
came to visit her, " and according to our instructions 
made overtures to her at length of your grace's mind 
and pleasure as well touching that she shall not 
consent to any motion of marriage in these parts, as 
also she shall not determine her mind to make her 
abode there, but to apply herself to follow your mind 
and pleasure in that behalf." She thanked them, 
"like a wise, substantial, and Christian princess," for 
the mng for sending my Lord of Suffolk to comfort 
her in her heaviness and to obtain her dower. " She 
said she were an unkind sister if she should not follow 
your mind and pleasure in every behalf, for there was 
never princess so much beholden to her sovereign 
and brother as she is to your Grace, and therefore, as 
touching consent to any marriage in these parts, she 
trusteth that your Grace knoweth her mind therein, 
and albeit she has been sore pressed in that matter by 
the King [that now is] as other, yet she never consented, 
nor never would do [but rather] suffer the extremity 
of death. And as touching her [stay] here, she never 
was nor is minded there to, for she [counts] every day a 
hundred till she may see your Grace." The ambassadors 
added that the report was that "la Royne Blanche" 
was to be married to the Duke of Lorraine. The next 
day Wingfield and West supped with Mary's ladies, 2 
and no doubt gossipped about possibilities, while 
Suffolk supped with the Queen, and she amplified her 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i) 80 ; Calig. D. vi. 179. 

2 Ibid., ii. (i.) 139 ; Calig. D. vi. 209. 


former confidences. They decided to tell Wolsey 
openly of the difficulties of her position, but to say 
nothing of the secret marriage, and by the same post to 
write to the King. 

To Henry Suffolk wrote, and after telling how he had 
delivered the letters to Mary, who was not a little glad 
and bounden to God, who had given her so loving a 
brother, both father and brother to her, and how she 
prayed that she might live no longer than that she 
might do that thing that should be to his contentation 
[this is the Duke's paraphrase, no doubt], he goes on, 
" So when I had been there awhile I was in hand with 
her Grace, and asked her how the French King did 
with her Grace and how she found him. And she said 
at the beginning he was in hand with her of many 
matters, but after he heard say that I was come, he 
said unto her Grace that he would trouble her no more 
with no such matter, but be glad to do for her as he 
would do for his own mother, and prayed [her that] 
she would not be a known of none thing that he had 
spoken to her, neither to your Grace nor me, for because 
your Grace should take no unkindness there in. [And 
further] he said that wheresoever her mind was [for 
to mar]ry he would be glad to help her there[to with 
all] his heart, and so since he never me[ddled other- 
wise, but as he would be to her as [to his m]other. 
And so, Sir, I perceive that he had [regard to] your 
Grace, for I think he [would not] to do anything that 
should discontent [your Grace or your] Grace should 
think any unkindness, in w[hich I assure] your Grace 
that I think that you will find him [either] a fast 
prince or else I will say that he is the most [untrue] 
man that lies. And not he only but all the [noble]- 


men of France, for I cannot devise to have [any] speak 
better than they do, nor to your honour." Then he 
tells Henry sporting news of the jousts for the corona- 
tion of Francis and how they are to run and that 
the King himself is to be one of the aides of the Duke 
of Alencon. 1 To Wolsey he tells out bluntly what 
has already been described of the clearing interview 
between Mary and Francis, after which they understood 
each other, and beseeches his good offices as all his 
trust is in him, and an answer with all possible haste. 
In a postscript he again begs to hear from him with all 
possible haste, and desires him to ask from the King 
a loan of £2000, " and Sir Oliver shall bring to your 
hands plate sufficient there. For, my lord, all my 
money is gone and the Queen and I both must make 
friends, and they will not be gotten without money. 
And also I am fain to buy new array, for the King will 
have us at his coronation, and as far as I know to bring 
him in at his entry, the which shall not be a little 
charge. My lord, I beseech you that this may be done 
in all haste possible and delivered to Sir Oliver." 2 The 
next day Mary, who knew her brother, drew up the 
following : " Be it known to all persons that I, Mary 
Queen of France, sister unto the King of England 
Henry the VHIth, freely give unto the said King my 
brother such plate and vessel of clean gold as the late 
King Loys of France the Xllth of that name gave unto 
me the said Mary his wife ; and also by these presents 
I do freely give unto my said brother, King of England, 
the choice of such special jewels as my said late 
husband King of France gave me ; to the performation 

" L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 133 ; Calig. D. vi. 161. 
2 Ibid., ii. (i.) 134 ; Calig. D. vi. 163. 


whereof I bind me by this my bill whereto with mine 
own hand and signed with my name and to the same 
have set my seal the ixth day of February, the year 
of our lord fifteen hundred and fourteen. By your 
loving sister Mary Queen of France." * 

Mary had dismissed her French dame de compagnie, 
the Comtesse of Nevers, and the French servants left 
with her by Francis when he went to Rheims, and on 
the news of the arrival of Suffolk had recalled her 
English ladies and servants. Francis is said to have 
been much annoyed, and possibly his sister, the Duchess 
d'Alencon, told Suffolk how impolitic a move this was, 
for on the return of the ambassadors from paying their 
respects to Queen Claude and to her, they communed 
with Mary of her household, and she showed herself 
conformable to the advice of Suffolk and the rest. 2 At 
this interview things were put on a good business 
footing, and the ambassadors were to write for copies 
of the inventories of her wardrobe from Master Windsor, 
of her jewels from Master Wyatt, one from the master 
of the horse for the stable and another of the costs and 
charges of her traduction. But nothing could be done 
till the King came to Paris. Francis made his entry 
on the 13th, so that the English had scant time for 
their preparations ; but Lent was fast approaching (it 
began on the 21st) and haste was necessary if the 
jousts and tourney were to be carried through in time. 
Mary was present at the King's entrance, which 
Mercurin de Gattinare described to Margaret of 
Austria as " belle et gorgiaise," and saw the Duke in 
the procession with twenty horsemen in grey damask, 

" L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 237. 
2 Ibid., ii. (i.) 139 ; Calig. D. vi. 209. 


talking to the Duchess de Longueville, who rode in a 
habit of cloth of gold. 

On Monday, the 12th, the day before the state entry, 
Suffolk was sent for by the French King to watch him 
and five others running at the tilt against the Duke of 
Lorraine and five with him, " for a banket, and I insure 
your Grace there was good running." l Francis won, and 
after the " banket " Suffolk had an interview with him, 
when the King showed himself very heartily England's 
friend, and especially good towards Suffolk and Wolsey : 
" as for the French King, I cannot wish him in better 
mind towards the King's Grace than I hear him speak it 
. . . and as for you and me I trow that next the King 
our master we had never such a friend which you shall 
perceive hereafter.' ' 2 A few days before Suffolk had 
received cheering letters from Wolsey in England, 
wherein he was advertised what pain Wolsey took 
" daily for my cause and how good lord you are to me, 
for the which and all the goodness that I find in you 
I heartily thank you as he that shall never fail you 
during my life." He felt his affairs were going on as 
well as possible in France, for the King was ready to 
write to Henry in whatever form he thought best. 
Suffolk's only uneasiness was the ominous silence of all 
his friends at home, or else he imagined it was ominous, 
and he reproached them in his letter to the King. " I 
beseech your Grace that I might hear from your 
Grace some time, for it should be to my great comfort. 
Sir, I beseech your Grace that I may be most humbly 
recommended unto the [Queen's] Grace and to all mine 
old fellows, both men and women, and tell them that I 

i L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 146 ; Calig. D. vi. 185. 
2 Ibid., ii. (i.) 145 ; Calig. D. vi. 186. 


think it no little unkindness in them all that I never 
heard from none of them since I departed from you, 
but I think the fault has been in the weather (?) 
L| and not in them. Sir, I beseech your Grace that I be 
i not forgotten amongst you ar . . ., for though my body 
be here my heart is with you and you wot where." 1 
j He had great hopes of returning very soon, for Francis 
said that once La Guiche, the French agent to England, 
returned, a couple of days would easily settle all English 
affairs. 2 The evening of the day after his entry Francis 
went to see Mary, and it was arranged between them 
that he should write to her brother at once, while the 
same post would take a letter from her explaining her 
request for the help of Francis. Suffolk had had the pre- 
sence of mind at Compiegne not to betray Henry, and the 
French King therefore did not realize that his news would 
come a day after the fair, for he evidently thought at the 
beginning of the affair that he was to be the deus ex 
machina. So he wrote that he had been to visit the 
queen his belle-mere, as he used to do, to know if he 
could show her any attention. On his asking her 
whether she contemplated a second marriage, she con- 
fessed the great esteem she had for the Duke of Suffolk, 
" que davant t[out] autre ele desyreroyt avecque[s] bonne 
voulonte et lamye [. . .] maryage dele et de luy se fy," 
and prayed him not only to give his own consent thereto, 
but to write to Henry in Suffolk's favour which he now 
does. 3 Mary's letter also ignores her confession before 
Suffolk's arrival — " Pleaseth it your Grace, the French 
King on Tuesday night last [past] came to visit me, and 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 146 ; Calig. D. vi. 185. 

2 Ibid., ii. (i.) 157 ; Calig. D. vi. 212. 

3 Ibid., ii. (i.) 135 ; Calig. D. vi. 256. 


[had] with me many divers [discoursing, among the 
which he demanded me whether I had [ever] made any 
promise of marriage in any place, assuring me upon his 
honour, upon the word of a prince, that in case I would 
be plain [with] him in that affair that he would do 
for me therein to the best of his power, whether it 
were in his realm or out of the same. Whereunto I 
answered that I would disclose unto him the [secr]et 
of my heart in hu[mility] as unto the prince of the 
world after your Grace in which I had m[ost trust], and 
so decla[red unto him] the good mind [which] for divers 
considerations I] bear to my lord of Suffolk, asking him 
not only [to grant] me his favour and consent there- 
unto, but [also] that he would of his [own] hand write 
unto your Grace and to pray you to bear your like 
favour unto me, and to be content with the same. The 
which he granted me to do, and so hath done, according 
as shall appear unto your Grace by his said [letters]. 
And, Sir, I most humbly beseech you to take this 
answer (?) which I have [made u]nto the French King 
in good part, the which I [did] only to be discharged 
of th]e extreme pain and annoyance I was in [by reason] 
of such suit as [the French Ki]ng made unt[o me not 
according with mine honour, [the whi]ch he hath clearly 
left [off]. Also, Sir, I feared greatly [lest in] case that I 
had kept the matter from his knowledge that he might 
have not well entreated my said lord of Suffolk, and the 
rather [for] to have returned to his [former] malfantasy 
and suits. Wherefore, Sir, [sin]ce it hath pleased the 
said King to desire and pray you of your favour and 
consent, I most humbly and heartily beseech you that it 
may like your Grace to bear your favour and consent to 
the same and to advertise the said King by your writ- 


ing of your own hand your pleasure, [and] in that he 
hath a[cted after] mine opinion [in his] letter of request, 
it shall be to your great honour ... to content w[ith 
all] your Council and [with] all the other no[bles of the] 
realm, and agree thereto for your Grace and for all the 
world. And therefore I eftsoon require you for all the 
love that it liked your Grace to bear to me, that you do 
not refuse but grant me your favour and consent in 
form (?) before rehearsed, the which if you shall deny me 
I am well assured to [lead] as desolate a life as ever had 
creature, the which I know well shall be mine end. 
Always praying your Grace to have compassion on me, 
my most loving sovereign lord and brother, whereunto 
I have entreated you, beseeching God always to preserve 
your royal estate." The postscript is : " I most humbly 
beseech your Grace to consider in case you make difficulty 
to condescend to the promise [as I] wish, the French 
King will take courage to renew his suits unto me, 
assuring you that I had rather to be out of the world 
than it should so happen, and how he shall entreat my 
lord of Suffolk God knoweth, with many other incon- 
venience which might ensue of the same, the which I 
pray our Lord that [I] may never have life to see. 
By your loving sister and true servant, 

Mary, Queen of France." 1 

The postscript is an echo of Suffolk's letter of the 
same date, where he says, in case Henry does not give 
consent at Francis' request, that he will "be at his 
liberty and again at his former suits, the which your 
sister, the Queen, had rather be out of the world, to 
abide, and as for me your Grace ... I had rather be 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 163 ; Calig. D. vi. 244. 


out of the world to see her in this case." * Suffolk had 
found that the King's mother, Louise de Savoie, was 
also on his side, and she promised him to forward his 
matter, and also told him he could put all confidence 
in her son's promises, which the Duke evidently did. 
Louise charmed Suffolk, "She is the best spoken 
princess I have ever seen and has great influence " ; " it 
is she that rules all, and so may she well, for I never 
saw woman like her." 2 All things seemed going 
smoothly, and it must have been at this date, or just 
before these letters, that the first marriage took place, 
the most secret one, which was hidden from Francis 
as his attentions were probably its cause. About a 
week after these letters, that is, about February 21st 
or 22nd, Suffolk received an answer from Wolsey to 
the letter he had sent on the way from Senlis to Paris 
telling of his first private interview with Francis, which 
raised his spirits even higher, for a near open marriage 
seemed in prospect. 

" My lord," wrote the Archbishop, " in my most 
hearty manner I recommend me unto your good lord- 
ship and have received your letter, written with your 
own hands, dated at Paris the 3rd day of this month, 
and as joyous I am as any creature living to hear as 
well of your honourable entertainment with the French 
King and of his loving mind towards you for your 
marriage with the French Queen, our master's sister, as 
also of his kiud offer made to you, that both he and 
the said French Queen shall effectually write unto the 
King's Grace, for the obtaining of his good will and 
favour unto the same. The contents of which your 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 134* ; Calig. D. vi. 159. 

2 Ibid., ii. (i.) 82 ; Calig. D. vi. 165. B.M. 


letter I have at good leisure declared unto the King's 
Highness and his Grace marvellously rejoiced to hear of 
your good speed in the same, and how substantially and 
discreetly ye ordered and handled yourself in your 
words and communication with the French King when 
he first secretly brake with you of the said marriage. 
And therefore, my lord, the King and I think it good 
that you procure and solicit the speedy sending unto 
his Grace of the letters from the French King touching 
this matter, assuring you that the King continueth 
firmly in his good mind and purpose towards you for 
the accomplishment of the said marriage, albeit that 
there be daily on every side practices made to let the 
same which I have withstanded hitherto, and doubt not 
to do so till you have achieved your intended purpose, 
and ye shall say by that time that ye know all that ye 
have had of me a fast friend. 

" The King's Grace sends unto you at this time not 
only his especial letters of thanks unto the French King 
for the loving and kind entertainment of you and the 
other ambassadors with you, and for his favourable 
audience given unto you and them, but also other letters 
of thanks to the Queen his wife, and to other personages 
specified in your letter, jointly sent with the other 
ambassadors to the King's Grace. And his highness 
is of no less mind and affection than the French King 
is for the continuance of good peace and amity betwixt 
them. . . . 

" The lady of Suffolk is departed out of this present 
life and over this, my lord, the King's Grace hath given 
unto you all such lands as be come into his hand by 
the decease of the said lady of Suffolk, and also by my 
pursuit hath given unto you the lordship of Claxton, 


which his highness had of my Lord Admiral for 1000 
marks which he did owe his Grace. 

"Finally, my lord, whereas ye desired at your 
departing to have an harness made for you, the King's 
Grace hath willed me to write unto you, that he saith 
it is impossible to make a perfect head-piece for you, 
unless that the manner of your making your sight were 
assuredly known. . . . 

" And whereas ye write that the French King is of no 
less good will towards me than his predecessor was, I 
pray you to thank his Grace for the same and to offer 
him my poor service, which next my master shall have 
mine heart for the good will and mind which he beareth 
to you, beseeching you to have my affairs recommended 
that I may have some end in the same one way or 
other. . . Z' 1 

The letter contained both good and bad news, at least 
Mary seems to have thought so, for while Suffolk no 
doubt was confident that Wolsey would over-ride all the 
practices of the Howard family to hinder the marriage, 
and took the grant of the lands of the Lady Margaret de 
la Pole, Countess of Suffolk, as earnest of the continued 
favour of his master and his desire for his advancement, 
Mary's brain only took in the phrase " there be daily on 
every side practices made to the let of the same," and 
connected this with the silence of her husband's friends 
at Court. She had already insisted on marriage within 
four days or not at all, and Suffolk had yielded to her 
reasoning — my brother is content, more than content, 
and the King of France desires our marriage, why should 
we wait and run the risk of some chance which might 
separate us — reluctantly, however, because of his promise 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 113. 


to Henry. From the secret nature of the marriage it is 
impossible to fix the date save by inference. There are 
two dates given in two different documents, one the 3rd 
of March, given in a French chronicle in the Fontanieu 
Portefeuille, and quoted by Mrs Green, the other the 31st 
of the same month, given by Louise de Savoie in her 
diary. It is possible, too, that 3rd is a mistake for 
31st, but that is as may be, and the point to emphasize 
is this, that these dates do not refer to the secret 
marriage confessed to by Suffolk on March 5, but to 
some other and semi-public affair which took place at a 
later date before the Court of France in Lent. No one 
was privy to this first marriage save servants, and it must 
have taken place about the second week of February, 
for, writing on March 5 to Wolsey, Suffolk says he fears 
Mary is with child, and he urges the necessity for an 
open marriage before the French Court, adding that 
the season need be no bar, for marriages take place in 
Lent with consent of a bishop. 1 This open marriage 
was to be later the sum of their desires, for the secret 
one was illegal and could easily be quashed, and the 
child of it, the heir to the English crown, would be born 
out of wedlock, but in the early days of February Mary 
was ready to mettre le tout par le tout, to do anything 
to gain her end of marriage with Suffolk. The place of 
the February marriage would probably be the chapel of 
the Clugny Hotel, but that and who actually married them 
is unknown. A later document says a simple priest of 
no authority, which is not unlikely, though that docu- 
ment, to be quoted in full later, does not pretend to 
strict accuracy, for its facts were arranged by Suffolk 
and Wolsey to produce a certain impression. So 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 222 ; Calig. D. vi. 176. 


Wolsey's letter found Mary married to her lover, in ill- 
health, nervous and suspicious (her head was never still 
and she was constantly turning it from side to side), 
sucking terror out of every phrase, and sensible that 
delay in the return home, or, failing that, in a near open 
marriage, might publicly pierce the secret of her union 
with Brandon. Her husband's mind was tranquil as 
yet, and to him the Archbishop's letters " came as 
graciously as rosewater and vinegar to him that is fallen 
in a sowne or a litargie." 



THE commission of the Duke of Suffolk, Sir 
Kichard Wingfield, and Dr West was for the 
renewing of the peace with France which had 
been concluded with Louis XII. for the lives of the two 
Kings and one year after, and for the settling of the 
Dowager- Queen's affairs and the conveying of her out 
of the realm. "They were to demand restitution as 
well of such jewels, precious stones, plate, apparel and 
other things that her Grace brought with her, as also of 
the charge of her traduction, which the French King 
received for the value of 200,000 crowns." They 
would also have to take possession of the lands of the 
Queen's dowry. Francis would have made the renew- 
ing of the amity depend on the giving up of Tournay if 
he had dared, and, as it was, he was very friendly with 
the ambassadors of Flanders, the Lord Nassau and the 
Count de St Py, who were come to Paris to ask for 
the long-desired marriage with a daughter of France. 
Margaret de Savoie with the English alliance had gone 
by the wall, and she said, almost weeping, to Spinelly, 
"that God knoweth the faithful mind she had borne to 
England and what had ensued unto her thereof, and 
how the Emperor without her knowledge had handled 
the putting out of tutela of the Prince to the great 
prejudice of her honor." x She was compelled to let 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 124 ; Galba B. iii. 284. 



Chievres have his way, and that way was the French 
marriage ; though Maximilian was eager now to have 
Mary for his grandson, and sent Henry grave warning 
of the difficulty of getting princesses returned out of 
France, and said that it might come to retrieving her 
at the sword's point. 1 But Flanders wanted no English 
princess, and put all their hope in alliance with France, 
and if a piece of wood had come out of France it would 
have been received for an ambassador. 2 There was still 
an English party at Brussels, and Margaret, speaking of 
Mary's possible marriages, said " that she knew no 
prince in Christendom that would gladly have her 
except one, which, were it not for his Council, per- 
adventure would condescend thereto," which, adds 
Spinelly, " I suppose would be the Prince." 3 Francis, 
though he sent the Prince of Castile a cool letter on his 
accession, saw in the Flemish alliance a way towards 
realizing his desire to drive the English back to Calais, 
for between two allied hostile countries their position on 
the Flemish border would be easily made untenable. 
M. de la Guiche had been sent to England to announce 
his accession, and until his return nothing definite could 
be concluded, but Francis' great point in his negotia- 
tions with Suffolk was the recovery of Tournay. The 
Duke declined at first to meddle with this, for it was 
not in his commission, but by the advice of Wingfield 
and West he told the King of the matter privately. 
Louise de Savoie, who did everything and looked 
younger than she had done for years, 4 also spoke to 
Suffolk of the "great desire the King her son had to 

" L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 124 ; Galba B. iii. 284. 2 Ihi ^ 

3 Ibid., ii. (i.) 70 ; Galba B. iii. 278. 
4 L e Glay, " Negoc. entre la France et 1'Autriche," ii. 41. 


recover the city of Tournay." Suffolk was not well 
pleased at this complication in his amicable proceedings 
at the French Court, and would gladly have had nothing 
to do with it. But Spinelly at Brussels had got hold of 
a French letter to Chievres containing details of a definite 
Franco-Flemish alliance, and this Wolsey sent on to 
Suffolk in Paris, asking him to demand an explanation, 
and, unwilling as the Duke was to court unpleasant 
relations at this moment, speak of it he must. So he 
dissembled and showed it to Francis as having been 
sent direct to him out of Flanders. 1 The King had 
just tilted successfully and was in great good humour 
when given the letter. He denied the treaty, but said 
that he could hardly refuse to receive the Flemish 
ambassadors, though he would conclude nothing with 
them till he had concluded with Henry. They had 
merely made fair promises for the future and excuses 
for the past, and he had given them very little comfort. 2 
And, besides, matters between Henry and himself were 
in such an amicable way that a couple of days would 
easily dispatch them. So he talked to Suffolk, who 
seems to have been lulled by flattery, for Francis also 
said that in all matters between him and Henry he 
would make Suffolk judge. The position was tangled 
enough : on the one hand was the Duke, bound by a 
promise which he had already secretly broken, and 
commissioned to get the uttermost farthing out of the 
French King, on whose help he was supposed to be 
relying ; on the other was Francis, who, while ostensibly 
helping Suffolk in his ambitions (already secretly 
consummated without his help) out of mere good 
nature, was really going to use him as a tool he had 
1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 157 ; Calig. D. vi. 212 2 Ibidm 


bargained for and bought. He was in ignorance that 
his offer of help had been made known to Henry, and 
also, whatever he may have suspected, he was not sure 
of how much royal backing there was behind the Duke. 
He was sure, however, that his help was worth some- 
thing to Suffolk, and, like the young Queen, he meant 
to have the price when and how he desired it. But 
Suffolk felt himself a match for any Frenchman, the 
subtlety of the nation having long been the despair of 
English diplomatists notwithstanding. 

Every day now Francis called on Suffolk to know 
what was doing in the matter of Tournay, 1 and the 
ambassadors were troubled, for they knew how Henry 
clung to his conquest and the pains and expense he was 
at to keep it. So did Francis, and he offered a good 
sum for its honourable restitution, and urged Suffolk to 
devise some means for this. Again and again the King 
said he desired nothing but peace with the King of 
England, and on Suffolk's reminding him significantly 
that he also wanted Tournay, he said yes, for it had 
anciently appertained to France. The ambassadors said 
it would be best for him first to renew the last amity 
and the obligation for the payment of the money still 
owing to England, and in the meantime they would 
write for instructions. " My lords," they wrote to the 
Council, " we took this way because we thought it not 
honourable for the King our master to restore Tournay 
by any article comprised in the treaty of peace ; for 
under whatsoever condition it was restored, the bruit 
should be made in France that the King our master was 
fain to deliver Tournay to have peace." Then they 
suggested that if the restoration were contemplated, 

1 L. and P. H. VIIL, ii. (i.) 175 ; Calig. D. vi. 214. 


it should be done secretly and first published at the 
meeting of the two Kings now under discussion. 1 
Francis was not to be put off by the cautious bearing of 
the English. He left nothing unsaid that might bring 
him the town. Wolsey was particularly interested in 
the question. For over a year now he had been trying 
to get himself recognized as its bishop de facto without 
success, in spite of Louis XL's honest help. Now 
Suffolk told Francis that the Archbishop was the only 
man who " might do most pleasure for him for the 
obtaining of his mind in the premises," and he would do 
well to write to him. The French Council offered to 
secure the bishopric to Wolsey if the town were sur- 
rendered, and Francis said that he might "not only 
have that, but the best in France, if he would take it," 2 
and he promised to Suffolk, " on his faith in my hand," 
that he would make the French bishop-elect give it up 
to the Archbishop in all haste, and declared he would 
not stick with Wolsey for ten of the best bishoprics in 
France. But Wolsey knew, as he said, that probatio 
amoris est exhibitio operis, and from Ghent came news 
of French perfidy, for Wolsey s agent, Sampson, wrote 
that Francis had written in favour of the French bishop- 
elect, and there was nothing to be done on the spot, for 
he was in power, and the Lady Margaret, well-disposed 
as she was, could do nothing. 3 

The condition of affairs at Tournay itself was pithily 
summed up by the new Lieutenant, Lord Mountjoy. 
" The city cannot be kept without ready money. There 
are many strangers, much weapon, many cankered 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 175 ; Calig. D. vi. 214. 

2 Ibid., ii. (i.) 176 ; Calig. D. vi. 216. 

3 Ibid., ii. (i.) 197 ; Galba B. v. 384. 



stomachs, some stark traitors within it : the soldiers rude 
and not to be trusted, poor and cannot put up with 
slack payment." 1 In fact, the garrison was in open 
mutiny, and the country round about was none too 
friendly, and had to be scoured and kept clear of 
thieves. The arrival of the new Lieutenant was a signal 
for an outbreak, for the soldiers' pay was in arrears and 
they were asked to serve another month before they got 
their wages. The most mutinous were threatened with 
dismissal, but they got hold of the keys of the gates 
and said no gates should be opened till the men were 
paid in full. If pay was not forthcoming they would 
spoil the town and then depart and leave it. They 
shouted " money, money, money," and when they were 
paid ungratefully threatened to hang their marshal ; 
"down with Sir Sampson!" "To satisfy them the 
Lieutenant suffered a trumpeter to blow to cause him to 
avoid the town." 2 No doubt French treason was seen 
in this scene characteristic of all garrisons of that age, 
where the only discipline was the gibbet and the purse ; 
and because of these difficulties the place became dearer 
than ever to Henry. It was a useless expense, it gave a 
rallying-point for Burgundians and French, but still 
Henry had taken it and he meant to show that he could 
keep it. Wolsey knew Henry's feelings if any did, and 
to pass the time he advised Suffolk to inquire as though 
from himself what lands would be given in exchange 
for it. 3 Little but the Tournay question was talked of 
at the French Court, and Suffolk, though he said he 
would find it hard to get any land at the French King's 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 165. 

2 Ibid., ii. (i.) 171. 

3 Ibid., ii. (i.) 231 ; Calig. D. vi. 176. 


hand, 1 did as he was told. So he spoke privately 
with M. de Boissi, who, after Louise de Savoie, had 
the King's ear. De Boissi said that " the King his 
master was marvellous desirous to recover it, and that 
he would think it a marvellous kindness in the King, 
my master, if he would be content to let him have it for 
so reasonable a sum to be paid in years." Suffolk re- 
marked that in his own opinion the county of Guisnes 
might be taken in exchange. On this Boissi asked him 
to dinner next day, and in the interval communed with 
the King and his mother, who were both willing to treat 
on those terms. "Nevertheless the King knew well," 
said Boissi, " that there should be a [great] clamor on the 
side of the King for the delivery [of the] subjects of the 
said country : for he said they were the best Frenchmen 
in France. Whereunto [I] replied that the King, my 
master, should have no less clamor for the delivery of 
the city of Tournay and Tornassen, and so [I begged] 
him to advertise you to the intent that you [might] 
break with the King in it." 2 Suffolk was very pleased 
with the way the negotiation was going, and desired 
Wolsey to get him a formal commission to treat, and in 
his inimitable spelling proceeds, " I dowth not bout y* 
yow and I schall [do] the Kyng ho war mastar byttar 
sarwyes [than] anne man lywyng in thys mattar and 
hall [hi]s oddar afyrres in these parttes." 3 He would 
like to have such a commission to show Francis what 
trust his master had in him, so that the French King 
shall be " more gladder to be good to me in all [other] 
affairs." Poor Suffolk ! he never got very far away 
from his obsession. 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 192 ; Calig. D. vi. 171. 

2 Ibid., ii. (i.) 231 ; Calig. D. vi. 176. 3 Ibid. 


By the end of February the embassy had to 
report that the Flemish negotiations were proceed- 
ing merrily with the French Court, but by the middle 
of March Peter de la Guiche and John de Selva 
were again sent to England to sign the treaty for 
peace and intercourse, and also to renew the league 
of London, and arrange for the payments promised 
by Louis XII. 

During these two months the Norfolk party in the 
English Council, that of the " old " nobles (who as 
well as Suffolk's adherents had drawn French pensions), 
had tried consistently to prevent the renewal of the 
French treaty. They desired a return to the 
traditional policy of amity with the enemies of 
France, and an edge was given to their opposition 
by the marriage project which they knew was in 
the air. There were hindrances on all sides, and 
it was openly said that Suffolk was no match for 
the lady, still direct heir to the throne, who might 
have fulfilled the destiny of a princess, and been a 
useful bond in some friendship abroad. They made 
great capital out of Spinelly's news from the Low 
Countries of Chievres' difficulties with France, of 
Margaret's desire for the English marriage, and of 
the report that the Prince's fancy was for Mary 
and England. With Flanders lay English trade 
interests, and Maximilian, in spite of his having sold 
his tutelage for 100,000 crowns, was said to be 
eager for the marriage ; in fact, would marry her 
himself, rather than let her remain in French hands. 
Then came rumours about a marriage with Suffolk,, 
and the Flemish gossip galled the King, and was 
rubbed in, no doubt, by his Council, and did Suffolk 


no good with either party. The Lady Margaret, 
report said, could not believe it, and said it was 
false gossip to the Queen's dishonour. Henry was 
said to have asked Francis " to be pleased " with the 
marriage, and Francis withheld his consent, and the 
Court at Ghent were laying wagers about it. 1 
Suffolk's friends in the Court knew not what to do ; 
his star for the moment seemed waning, and they 
prudently held little communication with him. The 
restitution of Tournay was desired by many in the 
Council, but when the news of the secret marriage 
reached England, authenticated by the Duke's own 
hand, at once suspicion gave tongue that Suffolk 
had played the King false, and pledged himself to 
the restitution of the city in return for support in 
his marriage venture. 2 It is just probable that this 
was tacitly so, for though Suffolk had seemed so 
open about the Tournay business, and had told Henry 
that Francis had asked him to be the arbiter in the 
matter, and that he had consented because he thought 
it more to the King's honour and profit to be judged 
by his own subject, yet it would be ridiculous to 
suppose that he w r as uninfluenced by his personal 
feelings and by his difficult situation. Suffolk wrote 
that the matter had " never passed my mouth but 
once to your Grace. There be but few of your 
Council but has been in hand with me and [think] 
it best that you should depart with it, so you might 
depart with it honourably. Yet, Sir, I insure your 
Grace that I have not put the French King in 
none hope of it ; insomuch [that I have] caused him 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 199. 

2 Ibid., ii. (i.) 225 ; Calig. D. vi. 184. 


to leave it out of his instructions given to his am- 
bassadors to the inte[nt that] he should not do manner 
anything that should not be to your contentation, 
but to refer it [to your] pleasure." 1 Suffolk probably 
thought he was honestly serving his King, but self- 
advancement had become his habit of mind, and 
while up to this moment he had advanced evenly 
by the simple means of Henry's friendship, now at 
the meeting place of cross currents he knew not 
how to steer, and thought he was safely hugging 
the bank while the current was carrying him into 
danger. It was impossible in this complex situation 
that it should be otherwise, for he can never be 
considered other than a man of mediocre intelligence 
of men and things. His charm of person and manner, 
his good-natured appreciation of others, his lack of 
affectation, these were his greatest virtues, the virtues 
of a good digestion, and none are of great value 
in diplomacy without a penetrating and directing 

No doubt it was Norfolk who helped to straighten 
Henry's face over the question of the dowry, and 
suggested his demand for " both the stuff and the 
money," which drew a remonstrance from the am- 
bassadors to Wolsey : "we received from the King's 
Grace and from your good lordsh[ip] other writings 
concerning the Queen's dot. A[nd] as in the King's 
letters it is mentioned that w[e should] make com- 
position for the Queen's traduction s[o as] we take 
no less sum than is contained in y[our letter], we 
think that no composition but an extremity. More- 
over, seeing that she shall have all her stuff r[eturned ?], 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 80 ; Calig. D. vi. 179. 


we think it not reasonable to demand such [sums] 
as have been laid out by the King's officers f[or] 
provision of the same, for she may not have both [the] 
money and the stuff. And sithens it is likely that 
[we] shall commune with reasonable men, we would 
be r[ather] loth to demand anything out of reason. 
Wher[efore] we heartily pray you to know the King's 
pleasure and further mind in this matter, and by 
the next post we shall certify you of everything more 
at large." * Wolsey said, however, that the question 
of gold plate and jewels was the measure of Henry's 
interest in the affair, and one feels bound to accept 
the strange spectacle of the King loving and trusting 
his subject and sister, but unable to resist the chance of 
making money out of their distressful circumstances. 
Henry VII. had been called avaricious and he was, 
not from any Silas Marner-like quality, but to bottom 
firmly his family and the state. His son had inherited 
the habit without the occasion, and joined to it the 
pleasure-loving, self-indulgent nature of his maternal 
grandfather, and the result was a having tempera- 
ment and a hollow hand. Now, however, before 
more could be written on the vexed question of 
the dot, the fabric of Suffolk's politic handling was 
dashed to the ground, and he himself was in grave 

As we have seen, Suffolk had consented to Mary's 
tearful importunities and married her secretly, and as 
the first few weeks passed he had been emboldened in 
his disobedience by letters from Wolsey containing 
news of Henry's friendly steadfastness in the matter 
of the marriage, and by the favour of Francis and of 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 204 ; Calig. D. v. 217. 


his mother, who craftily pushed the affair to prevent 
a rapprochement between Flanders and England. 
These good news he weighed against the advice he 
had of the many hindrances set about the marriage 
by the Council and Court in England, and took good 
heart and cloaked his fault under expressions of 
devotion. He wrote to the King that he prays he may 
live no longer should he do "that shall be other- 
wise to your honour," x and thanked Wolsey in another 
letter for his friendship, which he says he shall never 
forget "to me dyyng day." 2 It must have been 
about a week after the writing of these letters, on 
February 26, that Suffolk first began to realize 
that his position was not so secure as in his less jovial 
moments he had imagined. Henry had, on February 
12, written from Greenwich to Francis thanking 
him for his kind treatment of his sister, but nothing 
further. 3 On the 14th Francis wrote to England 
at Mary's dictation, and the lovers were expecting 
the answer with confidence. It came through Wolsey, 
probably in the first days of March. The King, said 
Wolsey, was, by the advice of his Council, writing to 
Suffolk and the other ambassadors plain answers of 
his mind and pleasure upon those things contained 
in their letters, dated Paris, February 18, and there- 
fore he would make no mention of the same. But 
the King had last Sunday, after he had communed 
with his Council and determined the making of the 
said answers, called Wolsey apart and willed him 
to write to Suffolk and show him, as he knew right 

« L. and P. H. VIIL, ii. (i.) 191 ; Calig. D. vi 178. 

2 Ibid., ii. (i.) 192 ; Calig. D. vi. 171. 

3 Ibid., ii. (i.) 179. 


well, that the King would have the French King's 
plate of gold and jewels for his benevolent mind 
to the Queen and him for the accomplishment of their 
desires. He charged Suffolk to " substantially stick " 
to this business, and said that though he would gladly 
give him permission to return home with the Queen, 
he cannot do this till "ye have perfected and estab- 
lished" the question of the dot. " Wherefore, my lord, 
I require and advise you, inasmuch as the King's Grace 
hath great mind to the King's plate of gold and 
jewels, substantially to handle that matter and to stick 
thereunto, for I assure you the hope that the King hath 
to obtain the said plate and jewels is the thing that 
most stayeth his Grace constantly to assent that ye 
should marry his sister, the lack whereof I fear me 
might make him cold and remiss and cause some 
alteration, whereof all men here except his Grace and 
myself would be right glad. Howbeit I shall for 
my part always put to my hand both in word and 
deed to bring your desire to good effect to the utter- 
most of my mind and powers. And because the 
thing toucheth so greatly the [accomplishing] of your 
intended pleasure, me thinketji I can no less do than 
to advertise you of the same. Trusting that you 
will endeavour yourself for the satisfaction of the 
King's mind in this behalf, whereof I shall be as joyous 
as any man living. And I send unto you herein closed 
the copy of the letter the King has written at this 
time with his own hand to the French King, and by 
no manner persuasion or means I could induce his 
Grace to write other wise therein for this reason, for 
his Grace thinketh that if he should make plain answer 
at the first instance of the French King, he would 


think that his Grace was agreed to the said marriage 
afore your coming hither and [acquaint thereto], and 
that the French King might think that ye had not 
been plain with him. Further more as touching the 
French King's desire for the meeting and interview 
between the King's Grace and him, ye may show unto 
him that the King's Highness is of semblable affection 
and desirous to have the same come shortly to pass." * 
The letter is sharper in tone than the former ones and 
goes plainly and roundly to the matter. It suggests 
that Suffolk had made little progress in his initial 
commission, though he had already written that the 
Queen was to be liberally treated, and, in fact, had 
Doctor West instead of the Duke of Suffolk been the 
correspondent, Wolsey probably would have told him 
"not to muse so much on the moon but go straightly 
and wisely to the matter," and " not to be moved by 
every wind and frivolous report." But apart from 
this slight asperity of the one-eyed to the blind, 
the letter is hardly one to have moved Suffolk to 
confession. The Duke had not wit enough to carry 
through a plot ; he was a plain man, and, like such, 
lived from day to day with no clear course before 
him, and could not bend circumstance to his plans. 
" Every wind and frivolous report " were wrought 
into the fabric of his days without selection, for he 
had never cultivated the mental clearness of conception 
and vision which gives poise to projected plans and 
desires. His political life had always beeu covered 
by Wolsey's shadow, and when, about the beginning 
of March, Mary told him she feared she was with 
child, Suffolk could think of nothing better to do 
1 L. and P. H. VIIL, ii. (i.) 203. 


than to write to the Archbishop and confess all, 
and in the face of the difficulties of Wolsey's last 
letter it was the best course. " My lord of York, 
I re[commend] me unto you, and so it [is that I 
know] well that you have been the chief man [before 
al]l that has been the helper of me to that I am 
[now] next God and my master, and therefore I will 
never hide none thing from you, trusting that you 
will help me now as you have always done. My 
lord, so it is that when I came to Paris, I heard 
many things which put me in great fear, and so did 
the Queen both. And the Queen would never let me 
be in rest till I had granted her to be married. And 
so, to be plain with you, I have married her heartily, 
and have lyen with her, in so much that I fear me 
lest she be with child. My lord, I am not in a 
little sorrow lest the King should know it, and that 
his Grace should be displeased with me, for I assure 
you that I had rather have died than he should be 
miscontent. And therefore, my own good lord, since 
you have brought me hitherto let me not be undone 
now, the which I fear me I shall be, without the 
special help of you. My lord, think not that ever 
you shall make any that shall be more [forwa]rd to 
you, and therefore, mine own good lord, give me 
help. My lord, as methinks th[ere is no] remedy 
in this matter but that I m[ay obtain] another letter 
from the French K[ing, and a let]ter from the French 
Queen, and a [letter from the King's] mother to the 
King my [sovereign lord], desiring his Grace that 
the . . . her by them, the which should be m[ade 
known] to all France, and that his Grace should 
thereby perceive that they would be glad to see it 


[done] most honourably that could be, and m[ight 
now] specially because all the noblemen of France 
be here. My lord, I doubt not b[ut that] they will 
write this for me or how ye shall think best they 
should write. . . . For I beseech you to instruct 
me in all haste possible. My lord, they marry as 
well in Leut as out of Lent with licence of any 
bishop. Now, my lord, you know all, and in you 
is all my trust, beseeching you of your assured 
help, and that I may have answer from you of this 
or all my other writings as shortly as it may be 
possible, for I ensure you I have as heavy a heart 
as any man living, and shall have till I may hear 
good tidings from you." In a much mutilated 
postscript he says he had written to the King saying 
nothing to him of this matter, for "I would not for 
all the good in the world he should know of it but 
as you shall think best." * The same evening he 
wrote again to Wolsey with a certain reserve, for 
his cousin, Sir Richard Wingfield, addressed the letter : 
*' My lord, for to induce the Queen's matter and mine 
unto the King's grace, I think best for your first 
entry you should deliver unto him a diamond with 
a great pearl, which you shall receive with this from 
the Queen, his sister, and require him to take it 
worth, assuring his Grace that whensoever she shall 
have the possession of the residue, that he shall have 
the choice of them according unto her former writing. 
My lord, she and I remit this matter wholly to 
your discretion, trusting that in all haste possible 
we shall hear from you some good tidings touching 
our affairs, wherewith I require you to despatch this 
1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 222 ; Calig. D. vi. 176. 


bearer and that he tarry for no other cause." * Next 
day Mary wrote to her brother a non-committal little 
letter : " My most kind and loving brother, I humbly 
commend me unto your Grace, thanking you entirely 
of your comfortable letters, beseeching your Grace 
most humbly now so to continue toward me and 
my friends, as our special trust is in your Grace, 
and that it may like you with all convenient 
diligence to send for me that I may shortly see 
your Grace, which is the thing that I most desire 
in the world, and I and all mine is at your Grace's 
commandment and pleasure. 

By your loving sister, Mary." 2 

Now came a fortnight's painful waiting "in this 
town of Paris," which Suffolk said irritably " is like a 
stinking prison," 3 and finding inaction under suspense 
unbearable, the Duke set his plan in action for the 
publishing of the marriage to all France without 
waiting for Wolsey's reply. First he told Francis. 
Eobert de la Marck, a contemporary chronicler, gives 
an account of his interview with Francis. The King 
sent for the Duke of Suffolk, and thus addressed him : 
"I am advertised of this thing : I did not think you 
had been so base, and if I chose to do my duty 
I should this very hour take your head from off your 
shoulders, for you have failed of your faith, and 
trusting to your faith I have not had watch kept 
over you. You have secretly, without my knowledge, 
married Queen Mary. "Whereunto the said Duke 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 223. R.O. 

2 Ibid., ii. (i.) 230 ; Vesp. F. iii. 176. 

3 Ibid., ii. (ii.), App. 6* ; Calig. D. vi. 183. 


of Suffolk, being much afraid and in great terror, 
answered and said, " Sir, may it please you to pardon 
me. I confess I have done ill, but, Sir, I implore 
you to consider the love which made me so do. I 
throw myself entirely on your compassion, praying 
you to have mercy upon me." Whereon the King 
told him that he would not have mercy on him, but 
would keep him fast till he should have advertised 
the King of England thereof; and if it pleased him 
then he too would be content." 1 On March 12 
Louise de Savoie wrote to Henry, asking him to allow 
the Duke of Suffolk's marriage to take effect and 
assuring him of Suffolk's devotion to his service, 2 and 
Francis may have also written, though the only letter 
to be found belongs to the beginning of April [dated 
March in the Calendar of State Papers]. If he did not 
at this moment, it is probably to be accounted for by 
the fact that within a few days he discovered that the 
jewel which the crown most prized, the Mirror of 
Naples, had been sent to England. Queen Claude 
asked for it as belonging of right to the queens of 
France, and it was not forthcoming. 3 Francis was 
furious, and Suffolk had to write to Wolsey in all haste 
for its immediate return, " for it is the same that is said 
should never go from the queens of France." 4 He took 
occasion again to urge an open marriage in France, 
" my lord at the reverence of God help that I be 
married as I go out of France openly for many things 
which I will avert you in my next letters," 5 and asks his 

1 Chron. L. xii. ; Du Puy MS., Paris, quoted by Mrs Green in " Lives 
•of the Princesses of England," v. 90 note. 

2 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 240 ; Calig. D. xi. 86. 

3 Ibid., ii. (ii.) App. 7. 4 Ibid. 6 Ibid. 


advice whether the King and the King's mother should 
write again " for this open marriage, seeing that this 
privy marriage is done and that I think none other 
wise than that she is with child." 1 If Francis was 
sulking both about the way he had been deceived in 
the secret marriage and about the loss of the jewel, 
then no wonder Paris was as a stinking prison to 

No doubt the Duke expected a reprimand, and a sharp 
one, and the question, whether Wolsey would tell the 
King or conceal the first and suggest a second marriage, 
must have been often discussed with Mary, but when 
the reply to his letter of March 5 was received, he 
suddenly saw plainly that he had mistaken both Henry 
and Wolsey, and he felt that not only his world was 
tottering about his ears, but his very life was for the 
moment in danger. " My lord," wrote Wolsey, 
" with sorrowful heart I write unto you signifying 
unto the same that I have to my no little discomfort 
and inward heaviness perceived by your letters, 
dated at Paris the 5th day of this instant month, 
how that you be secretly married unto the King's 
sister and has accompanied together as man and wife. 
And albeit you by your said letters desired me in no 
wise to disclose the same to the King's Grace, yet 
seeing the same toucheth not only his honour, your 
promise made to his Grace, and also my truth towards 
the same, I could no less do, but incontinent upon the 
sight of your said letters declare and shew the contents 
therof to his Highness, which at the first hearing could 
scantly believe the same to be true. But after that I 
had showed to his Grace, that by your own writing 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (ii.) App. 7. 


I had knowledge thereof, his Grace giving credence 
thereunto took the same grievously and displeasantly, 
not only for that you durst presume to marry his 
sister without his knowledge, but also for the breaking 
of your promise made to his Grace in his hand, I being 
present at Eltham. Having also such assured affiance 
in your truth that for all the world, and to have been 
torn with wild horses, you would not have broken your 
oath, promise and assurance made to his Grace. Which 
he doth well perceive that he is deceived of the constant 
and assured trust that he thought to have found in 
you. And for my part no man can be more sorry 
than I am that you have so done. And so his Grace 
would that 1 should expressly write unto you, being 
so incholered therewith that I cannot devise nor study 
for the remedy thereof considering that you have 
failed to him which hath brought you up of 
low degree to be of this great honour, and that 
you were the man in all the world he loved and 
trusted best, and was content that with good order 
and saving his honour you should have in marriage 
his said sister. Cursed be the blind affection and? 
counsel that hath brought ye hereunto, fearing that 
such sudden and unavised dealing shall have sudden 
repentance ! 

"Nevertheless, in this great perplexity I see no other 
remedy but first to move your humble pursuits by your 
own writing, causing also the French King and the 
Queen and other your friends to write, with this also 
that shall follow — which I assure you I write unto 
you of my own head without knowledge of any person 
living, being in great doubt whether the same shall 
make your peace or no — notwithstanding if any remedy 




be it shall be by that way. It shall be well done that 
with all diligence possible you and the Queen bind 
yourselves by obligation to pay yearly to the King 
during the Queen's life £4000 of her dower, and so you 
and she shall have remaining of the said dower £6000 
and above to live withal yearly. Over and besides this 
you must bind yourselves to give unto the King the 
plate of gold and jewels which the late French King 
had. And whereas the Queen shall have full restitution 
of her dot, you shall not only give entirely the said dot 
to the King, but also cause the French King to be 
bound to pay to the King the 200,000 crowns which 
his Grace is bound to pay to the Queen, in full contenta- 
tion of the said dot, de novissimis denariis, and the said 
French King to acquit the King for the payment thereof, 
like as the King hath more at large declared his 
pleasure to you by his letters sent unto you. This is 
the way to make your peace, whereat if you deeply 
consider what danger you be and shall be in, having 
the King's displeasure, I doubt not both the Queen 
and you will not stick, but with all effectual diligence 
endeavour yourselves to recover the King's favour as 
well by this means as by other substantial true ways 
which by mine advice you shall use and none other 
towards his Grace, whom by colorable drifts and 
ways you cannot abuse. Now I have told you 
mine opinion hardily. Follow the same and trust 
not too much to your own wit, nor follow not the 
counsel of them that hath not more deeply con- 
sidered the dangers of this matter than they have 
hitherto done. 

" And as touching the overtures made by the French 
King for Tournay, and also for a new confederation 


with the King and him like as I have lately written 
unto you, I would not advise you to wade any further 
in these matters, for it be thought that the French 
King intendeth to make his hand by favouring you in 
the attaining to the said marriage. Which when he 
shall perceive that by your means he cannot get such 
things as he desire th, perad venture he shall show some 
change and alteration in the Queen's affairs whereof 
great inconvenience might ensue. Look wisely therefore 
upon the same, and consider you have enough to do in 
redressing your own causes, and think it shall be hard 
to induce the King to give you a commission of trust 
which hath so lightly regarded the same towards his 

" Thus I have as a friend declared my mind unto 
you, and never trust to use me nor have me in anything 
contrary to truth, my master's honours, profits, wealth 
and surety, to the advancement and furtherance whereof 
no creature living is more bounden, as our Lord knoweth 
who send your Grace to look well and deeply upon your 
acts and doings, for you put yourself in the greatest 
danger that ever man was." x 

It was a masterly letter and put Suffolk out of 
conceit with his own wits and Mary with her counsel, 
and joined them in one desire to make plain the utter 
intolerableness of their situation to Henry. Wolsey 
warned them to be truthful and frank, for one part of 
the secret of his influence with the King's suspicious 
nature was his own love for plain dealing. So they 
wrote. Mary — bringing in the incident of the Friars' 
report to her as though it had recently happened, 
though from earlier letters of Suffolk's they were in 

I L. and P. H. VIIL, ii. (i.) 224. 


hand with her before the arrival of the embassy — took 
all the blame on her shoulders and was ready to face 
the consequences. The best of her shows in admirable 
light in the following letter : — " Please it your Grace, to 
the greatest discomfort, sorrow and disconsolation but 
lately I have been advertised of the great and high 
displeasure which your highness beareth unto me and 
my lord of Suffolk for the marriage between us. Sir, I 
will not in anywise deny but that I have offended your 
Grace, for the which I do put myself most humbly in 
your clemency and mercy. Nevertheless to the intent 
that your highness should not think that I had simply, 
carnally or of any sensual appetite done the same, I 
having no re[gar]d to fall in your Grace's displeasure, I 
assure your Grace that I had never done [without your] 
ordinance and consent, but by the r[eason of the grea]t 
despair w[herein I was put] by the two frfiars . . . ], 
which hath certified me in case I come [to] En [gland], 
your Council would never consent to the marriage 
between the said lord and me, with [ma]ny other 
sayings concerning] the same promise, so that I verily 
[thought] that the said friar[s] would never have offered 
to have made me like over[ture] unless they might have 
had charge from some of your Council, the which put 
me in such consternation, fear and doubt of the obtain- 
ing of the thing which I desired most in this world, 
that I rather chose to put me in your mercy [by] 
accomplishing the marriage, than to put me in the 
order of your Council [knowing th]em to be otherways 
minded. Whereupon, Sir, I put [my lord of Su]ffolk 
in choice wfhether he woul]d accomplish th[e marriag]e 
within f[our days or else that he should never have] 
enjoyed me. Whereby I know well that I constrained 


him to break such promises as he made your Grace, as 
well for fear of losing me as also that I ascertained him 
that by their consent I would never come in to England. 
And now that your Grace knoweth the both offences of 
the which I have been the only occasion, I most 
humbly and as your most [sorrow]ful sister requiring 
you to have compassion upon us both and to pardon 
our offences, and that it will please your Grace 
to write to me and to my lord of Suffolk some 
[comfort]able words, for it sh[all be] greatest comfort 
for u[s both]. By your loving and most humble 
sister, Mary." x 

Then she wrote to Wolsey : " My very good lord, in 
most hearty manner I commend me unto you, letting 
you the same to understand that my lord of Suffolk hath 
sent me your letters which lately he received by Cooke, 
by which I perceive the faithful good mind which you 
do bear unto us both, and how that you be determined 
not to leave us in our extreme trouble, for the which 
your most fast and loving dealing I most entirely thank 
you, requiring you to continue towards us as you have 
been, which shall never be forgotten in any of our 
behalfs, but to the uttermost of our power we 
shall be always ready to shew [you all] faithful 
kindness [as knowe]th our Lord who [send you long] 
life. My lord, I require you that I may have mo 
comfortable letters from the King my brother and 
from you, for I trow there was never woman that 
had more need. By your loving friend, , 

Mary, Queen of France." 2 

i L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 226 ; Calig. D. vi. 242. 
2 Ibid., ii. (i.) 256 ; Calig. D. vi. 254. Green's Royal and Illustrious. 
Ladies, i. 198. 


But for all Mary's generosity the onus of the ex- 
planation fell on Suffolk, for he was on trial before the 
Council as well as before the King, and in spite of 
Wolsey's warning he insisted on attempting to explain 
the dealings with Francis which had laid him open 
to their suspicions. " Alas, Sir," he wrote, " as I 
understand it should be thought that I should incline 
too much to the French King's mind. Sir, if I 
ever inclined to him in thought or deed otherwise 
than might stand with your honour [let] me die for 
it." And he goes on to give his opinion of how 
the amity should be brought about. Then he attacks 
the main question. " Sir, one thing I insure your 
Grace, that it shall never be said that ever I did 
offend [you]r Grace in word, deed or thought, but 
for this [matter] touching the Queen, your sister, the 
which I can no longer nor will not hide from your 
Grace." Then he describes as far as he can word for 
word his interview with Mary on the night of his 
arrival at Paris, and begs the King to forgive him and 
defend him against his enemies who will think to put 
him out of favour. He begs some word of comfort from 
Henry, "for I promise your Grace that I was never a day 
whole since I parted from your Grace. And, Sir, at the 
writing of this I'm not very well." x Another letter 
from Wolsey on his danger from the suspicions of the 
Council drew a more passionate appeal from him, and 
it is characteristic that his greatest sorrow is Henry's 
loss of confidence in him, the fault of his marriage with 
the Queen is as nothing in his eyes with the breaking of 
his promise, for that had moved Henry's anger more 
than the other. Thus he kneels before the King. 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 80 ; Calig. D. vi. 179. 


" [Most dreadjest sovereign lord, with the most sorrowful 
and [heavy] heart I your most poor subject beseech 
you, most [dear]est lord, of forgiveness of mine offences 
now made un[to you], and for this said marriage, 
the which I have [done greatjly amiss. Where[fore], 
Sir, for the passion of God let it not be in your 
heart against me, but punish me rather with prison 
or other wise, as may be your pleasure. Sir, rather 
than you should have me in mistrust in your [he]art 
that I should not be true to you as there may be 
accusing [str]ike off my head and let me not live. 
Alas, Sir, my lord of York hath written to me two 
letters that it should be thought that the French 
King would make [h]is hand with your Grace, and 
that a would occupy me as [a]n instrument there 
unto. Alas, Sir, that ever it should be thought or 
said that I should be so, for, Sir, your Grace not offended, 
I will make good against all the world to die for it, that 
ever I thought any such thing or did thing, saving the 
love and [ma]rriage of the Queen, that should be to your 
displeasure, I pray God let me die as shameful a death 
as ever did man. Alas, that I ever did this, for afore 
this done I might have said that there was never man 
that had such a loving and kind master, nor there was 
never master that ever had a truer servant than your 
Grace has had of me, and ever shall have, whatsoever 
your Grace shall think of me, or any man else. And 
thus I make an end with the most sorrowful heart that 
ever had man, and not without cause, seeing mine 
unhap to use myself so [ill unto] so noble and gracious 
a master, whose favour [for long time] I had so sure and 
so largely that and I had been master of ten realms I 
should never have deserved, as k[nows God, who] send 


your Grace long life with much h[onour and your heart's] 
desire." 1 

Surely this was penitent enough, but the offering of a 
merely contrite heart was not enough for Henry : it had 
to be gilded. 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 225 ; Calig. D. ri. 184. 



THEY turned to the question of money. Henry 
had already, at the instance of his Council 
perhaps, told Suffolk that he was not quite 
content with his handling of the dower question, and 
wrote to him about the end of February that had he 
done his devoir, or would do his devoir, the Queen 
would obtain all her stuff and jewels. Suffolk 
replied, " as touching that, and if I have not done 
the best therein and will do the best therein, never 
be good lord to me, and that I report [i.e. refer] me 
to my fellows. Alas, Sir, if I should not do the best 
it were pity [that I] lived, for I find you so good 
lord to me that there is none thing that grieves 
me but that she and I have no more to content your 
Grace. But, Sir, as she has written to you by her 
own hand, she is content to give you all that her 
Grace shall have by the right of her husband, and 
if it come not so much as your Grace thought, she 
is content to give to your Grace what sum you shall 
be content to ask, to be paid as her jointure, and 
all that she has in the world." x Mary's letter con- 
firmed this. " [Please it y]our Grace to understand 
[that wh]ereas I wrote unto your Grace touching my 
jewels and plate which I promised your [Grjace, such 
as I have shall be at [yo]ur commandments ever while 

1 L. and P. H. VIIL, ii. (i.) 80 ; Calig. D. vi. 179. 


[I live]. Howbeit 'tis not so well [as] I would it had 
been, for there is much sticking thereat. Howbeit 
I doubt not but I [s]hall have it at the link with the 
good help [of] your Grace and your [Coun]cil that be 
here. Sir, I think my lord of Suffolk will wrfite 
m]ore plainlier to your Gra[ce tha]n I do of these 
matters. Then when you and the[y be] agreed with 
your Gr[ace, and] I have them, I will [give] you my 
part of th[em]. Sir, the French King speaks many 
ki[nd word]s unto me, a[nd doth affirm] that he ha[th 
a] special mind to ha[ve] peace with your Gra[ce 
be]fore any prince in Christendom, and, Sir, I would 
beseech your Grace that it may be so, if it [might] 
stand with your favour [and] pleasure, for by the 
means and favour of your Gr[ace] I have obtained 
as much honour in this realm as was possible to any 
woman to have, which causes me to write to your 
Grace in this matter. Over and ab[ove] this I most 
humbly beseech your Grace to write to th[e Fr]ench 
King and all [yo]ur ambassadors here [that they] 
make all sp[eed] possible that I m[ay come] to your 
Gra[ce, for my] singular des[ire] and [co]mfort [is to 
see] your Grace, above [all thi]ngs in this world. As 
knoweth our Lord, who [ev]er preserve your Grace. 

By your loving sister, Mary." * 

Francis on his accession had secured Mary's dower 
to her, and there was no trouble about her actual 
jointure, but on the question of movables the dispute 
arose. On October 13, 1514, Louis XII. had signed 
letters of acquittance on the delivery of his wife, 
with her jewels, furniture, etc., representing the 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 229 ; Calig. D. vi. 247. 


400,000 golden crowns promised as her dowry, 
provided that in case of restitution the King and his 
heirs should only be bound to restore what she 
brought with her into France, with the expenses 
of her passage. The Queen-dowager was, according 
to the marriage contract, to have the use of plate 
and furniture, presumably that belonging to the 
late King, but Francis said it was unreasonable to 
expect him to allow this if the Queen left the 
kingdom. However, Mary's chief contention was that 
all the jewels which Louis had laid in her lap from 
out those seven coffers at Abbeville and elsewhere, 
and the gold plate which she had used, were to be 
considered by her as her own, independent of her 
position as Queen, and that she could do with them 
as she liked. 1 This was distinctly contrary to the 
legal instrument, but both Mary and Henry were 
keen on that point, and the haggle, called negotiations, 
dragged on. Francis, on the other hand, contended 
that by law all the property of the late King should 
go to pay his debts, and said that if she kept the 
property she must take the debts too, and pay them, 
for she had no right to the movables. Suffolk was 
all desire to content his master, but the legalities 
of the matter were beyond his disentangling, " as 
touching whether she have right or no, I cannot tell, 
for it is past my learning." 2 He made the best 
friends he could about Francis, " to persuade him, 
if so it were that she had none right, that he on his 
honour might depart with her so that the King 
[Henry] might see that he dealt not to the extremity." 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 827 ; Calig. D. vi. 238. 
3 Ibid., ii. (ii.) App. 7. 


And so, my lord," he wrote to Wolsey, " in conclusion 
I am assuredly advertised that he will be content 
to give her the one half of the plate of gold, the 
which is valued 50,000 crowns — for the whole is 
but 100,000 crowns — aud also he will be content 
to give her in jewels to the sum of 50,000 crowns, 
the which, by as far as I can perceive, shall be the 
one half of the jewels. My lord, this he will do 
upon the condition that the King's Grace and all 
his Council shall see that she has no right, and that 
he does it of his own good will, and for the love of 
the King's Grace and for hers, for he will not that 
it should be thought and she had right but that she 
should have all." If division were to be made, then 
all the jewels would need to be shown, and Suffolk, 
as already seen, had to ask for the return of the 
jewel sent as a peace-offering to Henry. 1 But Henry 
would not send back the famous " Miroir de Naples " 
and it remained in England, grudged by the French 
King. Mary's acknowledgment of the jewels she 
received from Francis includes a large diamond called 
" le Miroir de Naples " with a large pearl attached ; 20 
diamonds u enchassez et mis en oeuvre en une bordeur 
d'or," to serve as a head-dress ; 8 large pearls as 
buttons for the sleeves ; 8 others for a carcanet ; a large 
emerald ; a large ruby and 2 large diamonds set in 4 
" chatons d'or " : all of which belonged to her late 
lord and husband, Louis XII. 2 The jewel and the 
promise of many more, and also of two-fifths of her 
jointure, seems to have pacified her brother, for he 
sent letters of recall almost at once, and wrote to 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (ii.) App. 7. 

2 Ibid., ii. (i.) 327 ; Calig. D. vi. 228. 


Francis desiring him to allow the return of the Queen 
to England. As things were it would be just as 
well to get the pair home and let them be married 
openly in Ed gland, but before that, Suffolk's request 
that he might be married before leaving France was 
acceded to, and a semi-private ceremony took place 
on the last Saturday in March, the 30th, and in 
Lent. Louise de Savoie's diary is the authority for 
this date, though probably she was not present, for 
she had been ill. " Samedi dernier jour de mars 
le due de Suffort, homme de basse condition lequel 
Henry VIII de ce nom avait envoye ambassadeur 
devers le roi, epousa Marie." On April 4 definite 
news of the marriage arrived at Ghent. 1 It seems 
fairly probable — but with mutilated and undated 
documents it is flying in the face of criticism to be 
dogmatic — that it was at this time that Suffolk's 
cousin, Sir William Sidney, arrived with letters and a 
" credence " which brought the duke " great ease and 
comfort." He caused Wingfield to write to Wolsey 
that the archbishop "had bound him and all his to 
be yours during their lives." 2 At this date, too, 
Henry did his best to silence gossip, and wrote to 
Margaret of Austria asking her to contradict all reports 
in the Prince's court of a secret marriage. 

Henry's anger was short-lived after all. He was 
genuinely attached to Suffolk, who had done his business 
as well as could be expected, and the King knew what 
to expect from Francis in the matter of straight dealing, 
so the Duke was overjoyed to receive, as a mark of 
partially renewed confidence, orders to treat with 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 303. 

2 Ibid., ii. 297 ; Calig. D. vi. 220. 


Francis for the final clauses of the peace. Wolsey was 
truly a friend worth having, prodigal of tact and un- 
wearying in effort. The Duke and the Queen were to 
come home as soon as the peace was concluded, and the 
hitch in the proceedings arose from Francis refusal to 
prevent the departure of the Duke of Albany into 
Scotland, for the Scots were to be comprehended in the 
peace only on the distinct understanding that the old 
Franco-Scottish alliance was broken. Francis, however, 
said he had no mind to withdraw his protection and 
amity from Scotland. By the marriage treaty now 
concluded he had detached Flanders from England, and 
knew that Henry without its aid and with an hostile 
" friend " across the border would have small power 
against him, but he gave his word as a gentleman, with 
his hand on his heart, that his ambitions were entirely 
Italian. All the same there was talk of Guelders 
besieging Tournay, and Francis boasted that he could 
have it any day. However, stop Albany he would not, 
" though he swore he would jeopard his head and bind 
him by the censures of the Church that if the Duke did 
not bring peace to Scotland in four months he would 
bring him home again." And Albany set out to take 
ship at St Malo, " mawgre all the ships now in the sea" 
to stop him. The English had a great day with the 
King for his keeping. Francis suggested that if he 
stopped Albany for three months then Suffolk should 
remain the same time in France as hostage for Henry's 
behaviour towards the Scots. 1 The ambassadors 
promptly said No, they had no authority to do this 
and would not if they had, and if the Duke were to 
help the one party in Scotland, Henry would certainly 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 304 ; Calig. D. vi. 222. 


send aid to his sister, Queen Margaret. Francis was 
too impatient to be off towards Italy to stand long on 
the order of his treating, and the same day, April 5, 
Holy Thursday, while the Queen and Suffolk were in 
the church of the Maturins, "adjoining fast to her 
Grace's lodging, the French King came in to take 
pardon and spake not past two or three words with 
[the] Queen, but came over to my lord and showed him 
[as far] as he could understand, as my lord showed 
unto us, that he had stopped the said Duke of Albany's 
going [into] Scotland, and that he would send another 
ambassador that should come through England and 
s[how the King and his] Council his instructions." l 
The upshot was that Francis gave the Scots three 
months to come into the amity, " so that it might 
[seem to] his friends there that he forsook them not," 
and peace was signed in London on Easter Monday, 
March 9. The only bit of public business now remain- 
ing was the Tournay question, but Suffolk had been 
bitten and would not again treat of the matter, and 
referred it for settlement to the meeting of the Kings. 2 
So Tournay remained to the English. 

Francis had promised that Mary should be allowed 
to depart as soon as "le tans se trouvera convenable," 3 
and now gave her liberty to depart the Saturday next 
after Quasimodo Geniti (Low Sunday, April 15). 4 The 
date being settled, Wingfield and West were more than 
ever anxious to get her affairs definitely settled. The 
costs of her " traduction " made the Chancellor hold up 
his hands in horror that all that money 'should have 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii (i.) 304 ; Calig. D. vi. 222. 

2 Ibid. 3 Ibid., ii. (i.) 281 ; Calig. D. vi. 260. 
* Ibid., ii. (i.) 296 ; Calig. D. vi. 220. 


been spent in seven or eight days, but the King, he 
said, was willing to make a composition without asking 
for particulars. They replied that the hiring and 
manning of the ships had occupied a much longer time 
than that, and that it had been necessary to scour the 
seas both east and west beforehand that no enemy 
might impeach her passage. As to the question of 
composition, there could be none in truth, for the costs 
were included by an article in the treaty and they had 
no other basis for treating. However, if the King 
would tell them what sum he had decided on they 
would either take it or refer it to Henry. No sum had 
been decided on, and the answer was deferred till the 
next day. Francis told the Chancellor to make an end 
of the matter and offer 30,000 francs. Wingfield and 
West haggled for 20,000 crowns of the sun, equal to 
39,000 francs, which, after consulting together, they 
agreed to take, " considering we could bring him to no 
greater sum, and in what necessity the Queen was, not 
having one penny towards her charges, seeing also the 
exclamation of the merchants and other victuallers, and 
her servants for their wages, especially by them that be 
now warned out of (service), we were by force driven to 
consent to the said offer, and could not otherwise make 
shift to furnish her charges, which be exceeding great 
as you shall know hereafter, to your no little marvel." l 
Thus far everything was adjusted but the question 
of the jewels and plate, the offer of half of which 
had been favourably entertained by Henry. Francis 
offered 30,000 crowns for the "Miroir de Naples," 2 
and was exceeding wroth when he found the jewel had 

1 L. and P. H. VIIL, ii. (i.) 304 ; Calig. D. vi. 222. 
3 Ibid., ii. (i.) 437 ; Calig. D. vi. 231. 


passed the sea beyond recall, and no doubt his wrath 
accounts for his scant courtesy to Mary in church on 
Holy Thursday. Mary must have made " a good Pask," 
for England and home were in sight at last, but it 
needed another eight days to conclude matters. On 
Saturday, April 14, in the Clugny Abbey, Mary signed 
a receipt for 200,000 gold crowns, including 20,000 paid 
for her travelling expenses, returned as moiety of her 
dowry that had been already paid. 1 And on the same 
day Suffolk authorized his wife to receive and give 
receipt for jewels, etc., which formed part of her dowry. 2 
This authorization may have been demanded by Francis 
to strengthen his point that Mary did not receive the 
jewels as right but as a gift from him. On the following 
Monday Mary gave the required receipt, and set out 
at once for home, glad to get out of her prison, where 
she had not known a day's health, and to leave Paris 
with its mud and smells and innumerable horses. The 
gold plate was left behind, with the marriage present 
which the prudent Venetian ambassador, who arrived 
after Louis XII.'s death, had thriftily suppressed, though 
Mary had asked for it. 3 Dean West was to try and 
extract the plate from the King at the signing of the 
treaty, and, failing that, Suffolk said he would give its 
value to Henry. The impulsive dispatch of the jewel had 
spoiled the negotiations, and Francis still was so incensed 
that he had "done nothing about the present which he 
had promised the Queen by the Grand-master and Bon- 
nivet," and had only given her at her departing " four 
baagues of no great value." 4 With the present he sent 

i L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 319 ; R.T. 137. 

2 Ibid., ii. (i.) 320 ; K.T. 137. 3 Giustinian's Despatches, 54. 

4 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 343 ; Calig. D. vi. 230. 


the message that she could have the movables if she 
paid the debts. West did his best at Montargys, where 
the treaty of peace with England was signed, to get more 
out of the King. On the Dean breaking roundly with 
him on the subject, Fran< 1 "studied a little," and said 
he would give him an answer next day. West then 
said that the interview desired by the two Kings de- 
pended on Henry's side on the answer he got about the 
jewels and plate, and if "he dealt not well with the 
Queens Grace, your sister, in that matter, your Grace 
would take it so unkindly that there would be great 
difficulty to bring it to pass." Next day, after the 
ceremony of subscribing the treaty at the high altar, 
"the King desired him to repeat in the presence of the 
Chancellor what he had said the day before touching 
the Queen's moveables," and when he had done so, the 
Chancellor requested West to withdraw. On being re- 
called, West was told by the Chancellor at the King's 
desire that " if the King understood] that the Queen 
had any right to the said moveables] he would have 
given her altogether. And [upon this] as I said she 
had received no part, the Chancellor replied that she 
had the jewel of Naples, for which the King offered 
30,000 crowns, and 18 pearls valued at 10,000 crowns ; 
but the King trusted to see Henry shortly and they 
would settle the matter together." 1 No other answer 
was to be had, and West sent Mary's useless seal after 
her by Suffolk's servant. Suffolk's commonsense spoke 
truth when he said they could not compel Francis to 
" gyf soo moche wyet howth (without) he lyst." 

The Queen was now (April 16) on her way to Calais 
with Suffolk. Francis had gone with her almost to St 

1 L, and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 437 ; Calig. D. vi. 231. 


Denis, and Monsieur and many of the personages kept 
her company to Boulogne. The day she left peace was 
proclaimed, fires were made at night, and on the morrow 
there was a holiday. On the 22nd they came to Mon- 
treuil, and there Suffolk's uneasiness at Wolsey's silence 
for the past fortnight (" one in his position was glad of 
tidings ") found vent in a letter to Henry beseeching 
pardon and forgiveness. 

" Most Gracious Sovereign Lord. — So it is that I am 
informed divers ways that all your whole Council, my 
lord of York excepted, with many others are clearly 
determined to tempt your Grace that I may either be 
put to death or be put in prison and so to be destroyed. 
Alas, Sir, I may say that I have a hard fortune, seeing 
that there was never none of them in trouble but I was 
glad to help them in my power, and that your Grace 
knows best. And now that I am in this none little 
trouble and sorrow now they are ready to help and 
destroy me. But, Sir, I can no more but God forgive 
them whatsoever comes to me, for I am determined. 
For, Sir, your Grace is he that is my sovereign lord and 
master, and he that has brought me up out of nought, 
and I am your subject and servant and he that has 
offended your Grace in breaking my promise that I made 
your Grace touching the Queen, your sister. For the 
which, with most humble heart, I will yield myself unto 
your Grace's hands to do with my poor body your gracious 
pleasure, not fearing the malice of them, for I know your 
Grace of such nature that it cannot lie in their powers to 
cause you to destroy me for their malice. But what 
punishment I have I shall thank God and your Grace 
of it, and think that I have well deserved it, both to 
God and your Grace. As knows our Lord, who send 


your Grace your most honorable heart's desire with 
long life, and me, most sorrowful wretch, your gracious 
favour, what sorrows soever I endure therefor. 

At Mottryll, the 22nd day of April, by your most 
humble subject and servant, Charles Suffolk." 

The letter Mary sent by the same messenger, Sir 
William Sidney, had been already submitted to Wolsey, 
for the draft of it in his secretary's hand altered in the 
archbishop's, is extant in the Public Eecord Office. 

"My most dear and entirely beloved brother. In 
most humble manner I recommend me to your Grace. 

" Dearest brother, I doubt not that you have in your 
good remembrance that whereas, for the good of peace 
and for the furtherance of your affairs, you moved me 
to marry with my lord and late husband, King Louis of 
France, whose soul God pardon. Though I understood 
that he was very aged and sickly, yet for the advance- 
ment of the said peace and for the furtherance of your 
causes, I was contented to conform myself to your said 
motion, so that if I should fortune to survive the said 
late King I might with your good will marry myself 
at my liberty without your displeasure. Whereunto, 
good brother, you condescended and granted, as you 
well know, promising unto me that in such case you 
would never provoke nor move me but as mine own 
heart and mind should be best pleased, and that where- 
soever I should dispose myself you would wholly be 
content with the same. And upon that your good 
comfort and faithful promise I assented to the said 
marriage, else I would never have granted to, as at the 
same time I showed unto you more at large. Now that 

1 L. and P. H. VIIL, ii. (i) 367 ; Vesp. F. xiii. 80. 


God hath called my said late husband to his mercy, and 
I am at my liberty, dearest brother, remembering the 
great virtues which I have seen and perceived heretofore 
in my lord of Suffolk, to whom I have always been of 
good mind, as ye well know, I have affixed and clearly 
determined myself to marry him, and the same I assure 
you hath proceeded only of mine own mind, without any 
request or labour of my lord of Suffolk or of any other 
person. And to be plain with your Grace, I have so 
bound myself unto him that for no cause earthly I will 
or may vary or change from the same. Wherefore my 
good and most kind brother, I now beseech your Grace 
to take this matter in good part, and to give unto me 
and to my said lord of Suffolk your good will herein, 
ascertaining you that upon the trust and comfort which 
I have for that you have always honourably regarded 
your promise, I am comen out of the realm of France and 
have put myself within your jurisdiction in this your 
town of Calais, where I intend to remain till such time 
as I shall have answer from you of your good and loving 
mind herein, which I would not have done, but upon the 
faithful trust that I have in your said promise. 
Humbly beseeching your Grace for the great and tender 
love which ever hath been and shall be between you and 
me to bare your gracious mind and show yourself agree- 
able hereunto, and to certify me by your most loving 
letters of the same. Till which time I will make mine 
abode here and no further enter your realms. 

"And to the intent it may please you, the rather 
to condescend to this my most hearty desire, I am 
contented and expressly promise, and bind me to 
you by these presents to give you all the whole dot 
which was delivered with me, and also all such plate 


of gold and jewels as I shall have of my said late 
husband's. Over and besides this I shall, rather 
than fail, give you as much yearly part of my dower 
to as great a sum as shall stand with your will and 
pleasure. And of all the premises I promise upon 
knowledge of your good mind to make unto you 
sufficient bonds. Trusting verily that in fulfilling 
your said promise to me made, you will show your 
brotherly love, affection and good mind to me in 
this behalf, which to hear of I abide with most 
desire, and not to be miscontented with my said lord 
of Suffolk, whom of mine inward good mind and 
affection to him I have in manner enforced to be 
agreeable to the same, without any request of him 
made. As knoweth our Lord, whom I beseech to 
have your Grace in his merciful governance." * 

Both letters harped on a " promise," and Mary's 
argument was all the stronger that the King's anger 
was because of Suffolk's broken word, and Henry 
was just the man to feel that in these circumstances 
the royal word must remain intact. Besides, he 
was getting his full price. The argument was very 
likely Wolsey's, who no doubt was rather weary of 
hearing about Suffolk's default. In uncertainty, 
however, the Queen and Suffolk went on to Calais, 
only to find the town inflamed against the Duke, 
and it is said he had to keep within the King of 
England's house for fear of the people. For nearly 
a month, in expectation of the Queen's arrival, the 
deputation from the town to Henry on important 
local business had been put off by command of the 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 227. Letters of Royal and Illustrious 
Ladies, i. 203. 


Deputy, Sir Richard Wingfield, "for the town would 
have been left bare at the arrival of the Queen," ' 
and possibly this sharpened local exasperation. Stowe 
says that Mary crossed on May 2, and the official 
account says she did not stay long at Calais, " but 
within a few short days, the time being fine, good 
and suitable, took her passage and arrived at Dover, 
which is the place from whence she set sail when 
she went abroad. At which place she was met by 
many honourable personages, as well lords as ladies, 
and by them conducted and accompanied to a place 
called Saint Saulve (Sauveur?) de Grace (sic), and 
about two leagues from the said county of the said 
saint, she was met and received by my lord the 
Archbishop of York, and from thence also accompanied 
he conveyed her, taking the way to Barking, which 
is a fine manor, where was our said lord the King. 
And before she arrived at the said place of Barking, 
the King, accompanied by many great princes and 
lords of this kingdom, in good and great number 
met her a mile from the said place of Barking, 
and bid her welcome as cordially and affectionately 
as he possibly could, rejoicing greatly in her honourable 
return and great prosperity. And from the place 
of the said meeting his highness conveyed her to the 
said manor of Barking, at which place it was appointed 
that the King and she should stay all the day next 
ensuing." 2 

What was her real and private reception, and how 
Suffolk came into his master's presence, we have no 

i L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 297 ; Calig. D. vi. 220. 
2 Du Puy MS. No. 462, Art. i., Bib. Nat, Paris, quoted in Green's 
Lives of the Princesses of England, v. 102. 


means of knowing. The document given hereafter 
in full says that explanations took place in the evening 
of their arrival at Barking. By a deed dated May 
11th, the day after their arrival, the final conditions 
of marriage and forgiveness were settled, and Mary 
and Suffolk bound themselves to pay to Henry for 
expenses over and above her dowry .£24,000 in yearly 
instalments of £1000, and to resign to the King's 
use her dot of £200,000 and her plate and jewels. 
On Suffolk's part he resigned the wardship of Lady 
Lisle. 1 Two days after this the marriage was openly 
celebrated at Greenwich, on May 13, 2 in the presence 
of the whole Court, where the Norfolk faction gloomed 
in defeat, for while the Court bulletin sent abroad said 
that "all the estates and others of this realm be very 
glad and well pleased," Hall was nearer the mark 
when he wrote that "many men grudged." 

Now that all was en regie, the only thing that remained 
to be done was to cover up entirely the traces of the first 
and most irregular marriage, and to acknowledge and 
ask for the concealment of the one on March 31, to 
which Francis was privy. So Sir William Sidney was 
sent back to Francis with a document containing a neat 
set of events, arranged to hide improprieties and to 
guard against future questions. It is really a safeguard 
of the legitimacy of the children of the then heir to the 
throne. There are two documents, one in Paris and one 
in London. Sir William Sidney is told therein (by 
Wolsey and Suffolk) to represent to Francis that 3 " the 
same evening that the said Queen arrived at the said 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. (i.) 436. R.O. 2 Ibid., ii. (i.) 468. R.O. 

3 Du Puy MS. No. 462, Art. i., Bib. Nat., Paris, quoted in Green's 
Lives of the Princesses of England, v. 103. 


place of Barking, after many communications and 
devices had between the King and her touching her 
affairs, she among other things made overture and 
declaration to the King, our said lord, that the marriage, 
for which the King, her son-in-law, had before written 
very earnestly by letters of his own hand to the King, 
our said lord, for the marriage between her and the Duke 
of Suffolk, was not only concluded and determined but 
was secretly perfected, finished and solemnized in the 
Kingdom of France in Lent last past, to the doing of 
which the King, her son-in-law, was alone privy, desiring, 
therefore, with the greatest possible humility the King, 
our said lord, to take and accept it in good part, and to 
be well content at it and not to object nor lay any blame 
on the said Duke of Suffolk, since this proceeded entirely 
on her own wish and the singular love that she bore him, 
and that it proceeded not all from his procuration or 

" Which overture and declaration was at first strange 
and very displeasing to the King, nevertheless, recalling 
the very urgent prayer and request that the King, his 
said good brother and cousin, had heretofore made him 
upon this by his said letters written with his hand for 
the accomplishing of the said marriage, with the very 
humble mediation and good aid of my lord of York, 
the anger of the King was appeased and somewhat 
modified. And considering that the said marriage had 
been contracted in the prohibited time and season, and 
without banns asked, and celebrated by a priest not 
having authority from the ordinary therefor, also to avoid 
the danger which might ensue from the illegitimation of 
such children as might be procreated between them two, 
and in part guard the King's honour and hers, and also 


accomplish and comply with the desire of his said good 
brother and cousin, the King — although the King might 
well have shown more displeasure, which might have 
been for his own dignity and that of his kingdom — 
nevertheless, for the causes and considerations above 
declared and that his said good brother, the King, might 
assuredly know and understand that the King would 
incline and be conformable to all his reasonable desires, 
his highness not onlv consented, but it seemed to him 
to be good and expedient — to avoid all danger and to 
establish the thing more perfectly — that the said marriage 
should be openly solemnized in England and performed 
in due form and manner with the publication of banns 
and all other ceremonies herein requisite and expedient, 
according to what has been and is accustomed to be done 
in such case. 

[English draft begins here. 1 ] " Wherefore after all 
preparations made for that purpose and the banns openly 
asked, the said marriage between the said Queen and 
Duke was solemnized at Greenwich in presence of the 
King, the Queen, and such other nobles and estates of 
this realm as then were attending in the Court, on Sunday 
the 13th day of this instant month of May, and with 
the same all the said estates and others of this realm be 
very glad and well pleased. And considering that there 
be no mo privy to the said secret marriage made between 
them in France, but only the said French King and 
none privy here unto but the King, to whom the said 
French King and Duke disclosed the same, the said Sir 
William Sidney shall say that the King's Grace desireth 
and perfectly trusteth that for the honour of the said 
French Queen and for avoiding of all evil bruits which 

1 L. and P. H. VIIL, ii. (i.) 468. 


may ensue thereof, he will reserve and keep the same at 
all times hereafter secret to himself without making any 
creature privy thereunto, like as the King shall do for 
his part. And at this point the said Sir William Sidney 
shall pause, noting and marking substantially what answer 
the said French King shall make hereunto to the intent 
he may certify the said Archbishop of York and the 
Duke of Suffolk thereof accordingly." 

Thus Suffolk and Wolsey laboured to repair the 
damage, but with little effect ; secrecy had become im- 
possible, the news was over Europe. 

Here ends the via dolorosa to their open marriage, and 
now, after this hour in a fierce light which revealed the 
very beating of her heart, Mary sinks back into the 
cloud of obscurity which covers the lives of people 
neither politically nor criminally important. Occasion- 
ally, as will be seen hereafter, the cloud lifts, only to close 
down again almost immediately. Of her married life 
little can be found, and if the well-known stanza written 
on their portrait indicates anything, it is a certain loving 
tolerance on the part of Suffolk for his capricious, warm- 
hearted wife. 

" Cloth of gold do not despise, 
Though thou be matched with cloth of frize : 
Cloth of frize be not too bold, 
Though thou be matched with cloth of gold." 



SO far as consecutive dated documents go, Mary's 
history comes to an end with her open marriage, 
for this last chapter is largely made up of odds 
and ends of information, undated letters, dated scraps, 
as tantalizing in their laconic information as the fuller 
undated letters in their vagueness. When possible 
from internal evidence, the letters have been dated, 
but generally this is not so, and they are chiefly 
valuable as accentuating that pleasant trait in Mary's 
character, already noticed in her history, her readiness 
to use her influence to help her dependents. The 
letters are with few exceptions addressed to Wolsey, 
and they show in their language, which one cannot 
help but believe to be the expression of genuine feeling, 
that she never forgot his help in her time of trouble. 
With one exception, the question of the divorce of 
Katharine, we have absolutely no data to show what 
was her attitude towards the circling events of the 
ensuing eighteen years, and this chapter is found to 
bear the same relation to the foregoing ones as the 
stick does to the rocket. 

Suffolk and Wolsey were busy for months over 
the marriage question, but one of the first things 
the Duke found time to do was to retrieve his 

daughter Anne from the care of Lady Margaret of 



Savoy. 1 He wrote to her on May 30, 1515, 
thanking her for her care of the child, whom he 
had intended to have left permanently in her 
charge, but as the French Queen desired her presence, 
he was sending Sir Edward Guildford to bring her 

So far as the jewels and plate were concerned, 2 
Sir Wm. Sidney had no success in his mission to 
Francis. Neither jewels nor plate were forthcoming, 
so Sir Richard Wingfield, 3 who knew all the intricacies 
of the affair, was commissioned to go to the French 
King. Sir Richard was very unwilling to undertake 
the journey to Lyons, where was Francis ; " never- 
theless, if my voyage shall proceed, I trust it is not 
the King's highness mind that I should jeopard my 
life with him, for if I had one hundred lives I lever 
jeopard them with my prince than one with any other 
prince." Henry desired no jeoparding of his life, 
and his instructions were to thank the French King 
for his consolation of the King's sister ; and then, 
other matters relating to the continuation of the amity 
having been presented, he was to show to Francis the 
right of the Queen-dowager of France to the jewels 
and plate of gold of her late husband, and so on 
through the whole argument again, dwelling on the 
fact that the Mirror of Naples is but a small thing, 
and her own by right, and using all wisdom, policy, 
and sober persuasions that he can to this effect. It 
was all to no purpose ; gold plate and jewels Mary 
never saw again, and her income from her dowry was 
uncertain, and caused anxiety and weariness all her 

1 L. and P. H. VIII, ii. 529. Add. MS. 14,840. 

2 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 828. 


life. During this year and the next, while the matter 
was still fresh in the mind of Henry, he did not cease 
to urge the restitution of the jewels, always as a matter 
of right. 

Mary and her husband had been forgiven and were 
in favour again, and at Court became quite naturally 
the centre of all those French influences and ideas 
which have always had such a vivid attraction to 
Englishmen. Wolsey's policy, however, was giving 
way to pressure, and was swinging back to the tradi- 
tional one of enmity to France, so that the SufFolks 
watched events with some anxiety. They were in 
communication with the Duke of Albany, 1 the head 
of the French party in Scotland : Mary to ask his 
protection for her sister, Queen Margaret, and her 
uephews, while Albany 2 wrote in October to Suffolk 
to ask for his good offices with Henry for him. If 
Suffolk could only have kept out of the French circle 
it would have been safer for him, but he was nervous 
about the fulfilment of his marriage contract as it 
regarded the King, and desired to continue on friendly 
terms with Francis and Louise, so that his very fear 
of Henry's anger drove him into constant danger of in- 
curring it. Thus, in 1515, 3 when Bapaume, the French 
Ambassador, had been rudely received by Henry, who 
was annoyed by Francis' brilliant successes in Italy and 
by his help to the Scots, what must Suffolk do but go- 
and smooth matters over. He was as civil as Henry 
had been the reverse, and rejoiced at the fitness of the 
French, and said no one was more obliged to their 
King than he was, and that, after Henry, he would 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 1025 ; Calig. B. ii. 367. 

2 Ibid., ii. 1026. 3 Ibid., ii. 1113. 


serve him all his life. He reassured Bapaume, whose 
fears had been excited by the christening by the French 
Queen of the new galley, " The Virgin Mary," and said 
the ship had only been built to please Katharine and 
his wife. A copy of the ambassador's letter to Louise 
de Savoie, containing a circumstantial account of this 
interview with the Duke, and of one more cordial 
still with Wolsey, came into the hands of the Council, 
and was communicated to Henry (no doubt by Wolsey, 
for some reason unknown to us), for in January 1516 
Suffolk's matters with the King were not in good order. 
The political evil was further tangled by the financial 
one, and by the beginning of the year his liabilities 
to Henry amounted to £12,000, and they were in the 
hands of Henry's bankers and debtors, the Italian 
merchants, the Frescobaldi, and the Cavalcanti, to whom 
the King very often deputed the task of collecting his 
debts. There was no prospect of money from France. 1 
Francis had taken no notice of an invitation sent by 
Suffolk to be godfather at the christening of the child 
which Katharine was expecting, and the union between 
the English and the Prince of Castile was affirmed 
by the looseness of that between Henry and Francis. 
Thus Suffolk, for the moment, had lost his master's 
favour, and his wife her income. Mary sent " certain 
jewels and other things " to Henry, to the amount 
of £1000, and that tided them over the first pay- 
ment, but Suffolk begged Henry to have pity on them 
both. 2 

Mary, however, at this moment had other things 
to think of, for on Tuesday, March 11, 1516, "between 

1 Giustinian's Despatches, i. 176 ; L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 1505. 

2 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 1604. 


10 and 11 o'clock in the night, was born at Bath 
Place (Wolsey's house) the son of Mary Queen of 
France and Charles Duke of Suffolk, whose christen- 
ing was deferred unto the Thursday next following/' 
so he was probably a weakly infant. Typical state 
was held at the christening, for, save the little Princess 
Mary, who had been born a month before to Katharine, 
he was the heir to the throne, and Queen Mary was 
not one to forget that. 1 " From the nursery to the 
hall door was well gravelled, and above all well rushed 
of a meetly thickness, and railed round about from the 
nursery to the hall door, whereat was a goodly porch 
of timber work substantially builded, which porch was 
hanged without with cloth of arras, and within hanged 
with cloth of gold. And also the hall richly hanged 
with arras." Red and white roses were everywhere on 
cushions and hangings. The font had lukewarm water, 
and was in the charge of two esquires with aprons, and 
two more were there to see that the fire in the recess 
where the young lord was to be unarrayed did not 
smoke. Torches lined the way from the nursery to 
the hall, and there were twenty-four in the hall itself. 
Down the burning alleyway came the basin, the taper, 
the salt and the chrysom, all borne by members of the 
household ; then Lady Anne Grey, with the young lord 
in her arms, supported by Lord Dacres, chamberlain to 
the French Queen, at the head, and Lord Edward 
Grey at the foot. The train was borne by Sir 
Humphrey Bannister, chamberlain to the Duke of 
Suffolk, and four torches were borne about the young 
lord by four esquires. The King, the Cardinal, and 

1 Wood MS. No. 8495, F. 33, f . 45, Ashmolean Library, quoted in Green's 
Lives of the Princesges of England. 


the old Lady Katharine, Countess of Devon, Mary's 
aunt, were sponsors at the font, while the Bishop of 
Durham was godfather at the bishoping [confirmation]. 
The Bishop of Rochester christened the child, and the 
King gave the name. Gifts were presented by the 
sponsors, the Lady Katharines being two plain pots 
of silver and gilt, the King's a salt of gold and a cup 
of gold. Then the company went back to the nursery, 
where Mary was awaiting them, and presented the 
young lord to his mother. The baby's behaviour all 
through seems to have equalled that of his little cousin 
the Princess Mary, who, according to her father's boast, 
never cried. Henry's presence at the christening was 
probably due to his genuine affection for his sister, for 
he had by no means restored Suffolk to favour, and 
ordered him into the country till it was his pleasure to 
see him. The truth was, no doubt, that Wolsey, who 
was now "marvellous great" 1 with Sir William 
Compton of the Norfolk party, was deep in the 
negotiations for the league between England and 
Flanders, to which Suffolk was naturally opposed, 
and his presence in opposition at Court was simply 
not to be tolerated. Suffolk spent nearly a whole 
year in exile from the Court, though in September, 
when Henry made a progress through Suffolk and 
came to the Duke's own house at Donyngton, he allowed 
Suffolk to come to him. Mary, who felt the exile 
more than her husband, wrote to her brother thank- 
ing him for his condescension. 

My most dearest right entirely beloved lord and 
brother, 2 — In my most humble wise I recommend me 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 1959. 

a Ibid., ii. 2347 ; Calig. B. vi. f. 106. 


unto your Grace, showing unto your Grace that I do 
p[erceive] by my lord and husband that you are pleased 
and contented that he shall resort unto your presence, 
at such time as your Grace shall be at his manor of 
Donyngton, whereby I see well that he is marvellously 
rejoiced and much comforted that it hath liked your 
Grace so to be pleased, for the which your special 
goodness to him, showed in that behalf, and for sundry 
and many other your kindness, as well to me as to him, 
showed and given in divers causes, I most humbly 
thank your Grace, assuring you that for the same I 
account myself as much bounden unto your Grace as 
ever sister was to brother, and according thereunto I 
shall to the best of my power during my life endeavour 
myself as far as in me shall be possible, to do the thing 
that shall stand with your pleasure. And if it had 
been time convenient and your Grace had been there- 
with pleased I would most gladly have accompanied 
my said lord in this journey. But I trust that both I 
and my said lord shall see you, according as your Grace 
wrote in your last letters unto my said lord, which is 
the thing that I desire more to obtain than all the 
honour of the world. And thus I beseech our Lord to 
send unto you, my most dearest and entirely beloved 
brother and lord, long and prosperous life with the full 
accomplishment of all your honourable desires, most 
humbly praying your Grace that I may be humbly 
recommended unto my most dearest and best beloved 
sister, the Queen's Grace, and to the Queen of Scots, 
my well beloved sister, trusting that [I ?] be ascertained 
from your Grace of the prosperous estate and health 
of my dearly beloved n[iece] the princess, to whom I 
pray God send long life. 


"From Letheringham in Suffolk, the 9th day of 
September, by the hand of your loving sister, 

Marie, Queen of France." 

Suffolk's banishment was not revoked, and on 
November 1 the league against France between 
Flanders, Spain, England, and the Swiss was con- 
cluded, of which, as Giustinian the Venetian said, 1 the 
Cardinal of York was the beginning, middle and end. 
Wolsey had not forgotten Mary, and had tried to get 
a clause about her dowry inserted into the treaty, 
"that in case any prince should refuse to pay debts 
owing to England, as if France were to decline paying 
the dowry of the Lady Mary, the confederates should 
be bound to assist him." 2 But the Flemish Council 
thought this unreasonable. 

The new year, 1517, brought new demands for the 
King's payments, and the Earl of Shrewsbury had 
been dunning the Duke for certain smaller sums. In 
February Suffolk went to London to go into the state 
of his own and his wife's debts to the King with 
Wolsey (the Venetian Ambassador met him at the 
Cardinal's, very busy over them), 3 and he afterwards 
wrote to Henry : — 

" Sir, 4 — In the most humble wise I commend me to 
your Grace. And, Sir, so was it at the last time I was 
with your Grace I went through with my lord Cardinal 
for such debts as the Queen your sister and I are in 
to your Grace, for the which it was thought by your 
Grace's Council learned that your sister and I both 

1 L. and P. H. VIIL, ii. (i.) 2500. 

2 Ibid., ii. 2427 ; Galba B. iv. 1846. 

3 Giustinian's Despatches, ii. 35. 

4 Titus B. i. f. 69. 


must confer divers things before your judges according 
unto the law. And, Sir, I beseech you that she may 
come up to the intent that she may do all such acts, 
according as be devised or shall be devised most for 
your Grace's surety, to the intent that whatsoever shall 
happen of me that your Grace may be in surety, and 
that it shall not be said but it is her deed and free will 
the which your Grace shall well perceive that it is done 
with good mind and heart. And, Sir, the coming up 
of her to see your Grace shall rejoice her more than 
the value of that if it should be given to her. Sir, it 
is so that I have heard by my lord Morley and others 
that your Grace intends to have some pastime this May 
and that your Grace's pleasure is that I shall give mine 
attendance on your Grace, the which I shall be as glad 
to do as any poor servant or subject that your Grace 
has living. Howbeit, Sir, I am somewhat unprovided 
of such things as belong to that business, wherefore if it 
may stand with your Grace's pleasure I would bring up 
the Queen, your sister, against Easter to both plays, 
and then remain till she and I may know your Grace's 
further pleasure, to the which she and I shall obey with 
humble heart, according to her duty and mine. As 
knows God, who preserve your Grace in long life with 
as much health and honour as your noble heart can 
•desire, which is both her and my daily prayer. 
"By your most humble subject and servant, 

Charlys Suffoke." 

Shortly after having written this letter Suffolk was 
annoyed by an incident which might have embroiled 
him further with the King. It was all through the 
meddlesome match-making of Mistress Jerningham, who 


ought to have known better. In March Queen 
Katharine was going to Our Lady of Walsingham to 
pray for a son, and on the way she was to be enter- 
tained by the SufFolks. The Duke's letter to Wolsey 
explains the affair. 

" My very good lord, 1 — In my most heartiest manner I 
commend me unto your good lordship, ever more thank- 
ing you for the good mind that you have borne unto 
me, and beseeching your good continuance of the same. 
So it is, my lord, according to your advice I met the 
Queen my mistress on Friday last past at Pickenham 
Wood, and as my duty was, awaited upon her Grace to 
Walsingham, and also according to your advice the 
French Queen did meet with the said Queen my mistress 
at the next place that was convenient nigh unto our 
lodging, and such poor cheer as we could make her 
Grace we did, with as good heart and mind as her own 
servants according to our duties. Furthermore, my 
lord, as yesterday, Monday, the 16th day of March, 
Mistress Jerningham came to the French Queen my 
wife at dinner time, before the Queen my mistress 
coming hither, and after that she had been with the 
said Queen my wife, she took her daughter-in-law aside 
with her, and called young Berkeley [heir to Lord 
Berkeley] unto them, and there privately ensured 
[betrothed] the said Berkeley unto the Lady Anne 
Grey, one of the Queen my wife's ladies and mine. 
Which is no little displeasure unto me, seeing he is 
the King's ward, and that it pleased his Grace to put 
him to my rule and guiding. I had lever have spent a 
thousand pound than any such pageant should have 
been done within the Queen's house and mine. My 

1 Green's "Lives of the Princesses of England," v. 116. 


Lord, I heartily desire and pray your good lordship that 
if any misinformations be made unto the King's Grace 
hereof that it will please you to shew his Grace hereof 
as I have written unto you, lest his Grace should give 
credence unto some other light informations herein, 
which I should abide by upon my honour, and that it 
will please you to stay the matter till my coming up to 
London. Also that it would please your lordship so to 
order this matter that it may be an example to all 
other, how they should make any such mysteries within 
any nobleman or woman's house hereafter, and in 
especially with one of the King's wards. And thus 
fare you well, my very good lord, I beseech Jesu to 
send you long life and good health. From the manor 
of Rising, the 17th day of March. 

" By your assured 

Charlys Sufpoke." 

The betrothal was of course invalid, and Suffolk got 
no blame in the matter, but it is a great pity one cannot 
read what Wolsey said to forward Mistress Jerningham. 
Suffolk came to Court for St George's Day, was well 
received by the King and Wolsey, and in a few days 
returned to Suffolk to bring his wife to town, and they 
were spectators of the Cardinal's "pageant" when at 
the intercession of himself and the three queens, for 
the Queen of Scots was in London, the King pardoned 
the rioters of the Evil May Day. Mary saw the fine 
sight when each of the forty men in custody took the 
halter from his neck and threw it in the air, and jumped 
for joy at his escape from death. "It was a very fine 
spectacle and well arranged," said a cynical foreigner. 


In July they were present at the banquet and jousts 
given at Greenwich to the ambassadors of the Emperor 
and the King of Spain on the signing of the treaty of 
amity. Suffolk signed it, and with it lost, he probably 
thought, all chance of his wife's income. At Greenwich 
the sailors from the King's great galley set up the cables 
for the tilt, and the two queens, Katharine and Mary, 
watched their husbands joust under the windows of the 
palace, 1 " like Hector and Achilles," Henry in black and 
white, the Duke in white, lozenged with crimson satin 
seme with the letters C.M., for Charles and Mary. 
Then came a banquet, when the French Queen sat at 
the head of the table beside her brother, and Suffolk 
was in the middle of one side opposite Norfolk and old 
Lady Guildford. During the dinner boys made the 
sweetest melody with their voices, flute, rebeck, and 
harpsichord, and after this there was dancing, when the 
King showed himself indefatigable, dancing all night 
after jousting all afternoon. The great feature in the 
whole series of entertainments was the playing of Fra 
Dionysius Memo, 2 late organist at St Mark's, Venice, and 
now chief musician to Henry, and so sweet it was, and 
so enthralled was the King by it, that the Court had 
concerts lasting for four hours on end. Henry always 
led the applause vehemently. The Court resounded 
with song, and there was rivalry among the boy singers 
and the musicians. Small wonder that Mary, whose 
tastes were like her brother's, longed to be always at 
Court with such gay company, but Suffolk could not 
move without running up against his creditors, and 
again he had to refuse Lord Shrewsbury, 3 who was 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 3455. 2 C. S. P. Venice, i. 910. 

3 L. and P. H. VIIL, ii. 3487. 




pressing for his money, so that probably his enjoyment 
was not as whole-hearted as his Queens. 

Immediately the festivities were over, 1 Mary went to 
Bishop's Hatfield, and there was delivered of a daughter 
who was called Frances, for she was born on St Francis' 
Day. The Queen and the Princess Mary were god- 
mothers, for whom Lady Boleyn, Anne Boleyn's mother, 
and Lady Elizabeth Grey acted as deputies, and the 
Abbot of St Albans was godfather. There was great 
state at the christening, but nothing like that held for 
the young lord who might become King of England. 

The financial arrangement which Suffolk had made 
with the Council was an indenture which showed that 
their debts to Henry amounted to £24,000 due by them 
at Calais, £600 for their diets in the King's house, and 
also £2300 for other things. Of this, £20,000 was the 
proper debt of the French Queen, and £6901 the debt 
of the Duke. Henry acknowledged having received 
from them in jewels £1666, 13s. 4d., and was to receive 
the remainder in instalments of 1000 marks at Michael- 
mas and at Easter, " if the French Queen so long live 
and the Duck togeders," and it probably was now that 
the clause was inserted by which the King waived his 
right to demand payment when by reason of war Mary's 
income was practically cancelled. 2 Francis promised 
in February 1518 that the dowry of his belle-mere 
should be paid, and gave orders to the officers in 
Saintonge, and the other places of her dower-lands, to 
let her representatives receive the rents, and the result 
was that 14,610 crowns were paid to Henry's repre- 
sentative, Fowler, at Calais. The arrangement with 
the Suffolks seems to have been that the King's officer 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 3487 and 3489. 2 Ibid., ii. 43* App. 


was to receive the amount paid by the French, and that 
he was to pay over to the Queen the proportion due to 
her after the King's debt was satisfied, and in July 1518 
Humphrey Wingfield, the Duke's officer, gave receipt for 

The Easter of 1518, the French Queen and her 
husband were ordered to the Court at Abingdon, 1 
whither Henry had fled from the sweating sickness, 
out of the region of the daily death-roll. Suffolk wrote 
to Wolsey 2 to know how the French Queen was to be 
ordered in her coming to the King, "the which shall 
not fail to be followed." Mary was always delighted 
to be at Court, and by reason of her 3 Henry allowed 
Suffolk to remain till St George's Day. This was an 
opportunity for the Duke by protestation to clear him- 
self of the slur cast on him by his reported private 
dealings with the French, and after he had received the 
sacrament on Easter Day, 4 he went to Sir Richard Pace, 
Wolsey's secretary with the King, and said he had been 
accused as untrue to the King's Grace as well in accept- 
ing a protection offered him by France, as in putting 
the French orators, on their being last in England, 
in comfort of the restitution of Tournay. It was 
all untrue. Pace listened and reported, but nothing 
happened, save that Suffolk remained at Court with his 
wife, and when Henry went to Woodstock Manor, they 
both went with him. Henry here indulged his passion 
for music to the extent of having the organs in the 
parish church repaired and taken to the manor house 
by two men had down from London for the purpose, 
and Dionysius Memo charmed the thoughts of the sick- 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 4034. 2 Ibid., ii. 4035. 

3 Ibid., ii. 4061. 4 Ibid. 


ness out of his mind. Mary fell i]l there and could not 
be moved, and her husband wrote to Wolsey to apologize 
for their over-staying their invitation. " The chief 
cause 1 of my writing unto your Grace at this time is to 
advertise your Grace that the French Queen cannot 
depart the Court so soon as was appointed, for, Sir, it 
hath pleased God to visit her with an ague, the which 
has taken her Grace every third day four times very 
sharp, but by the grace of God she shall shortly recover. 
For, Sir, the King's Grace's physicians take marvellous 
good heed unto her Grace, and also especially his Grace 
comforts her so like a good and loving sovereign and 
brother that it takes away a great part of her pain." 
Before she was able to be moved, Suffolk again urged 
his cause on Wolsey, telling Pace of the most faithful 
love and servitude he intended to use towards the 
Cardinal's Grace during his life, and Wolsey evidently 
wrote to him a letter of comfort, promising to help 
him 2 " to obtain his purpose to his reasonable desires." 
In October Mary, now quite recovered from her ague, 
was again in her element, for a brilliant party of French 
nobles came over for the signing of the general peace, 
against which was put the delivery to the French of 
Tournay, and for the marriage of the Princess Mary 
to the Dauphin of France. They were a constant 
pageant to the Londoners, for they changed their silken 
clothes, "the new fashion garment called a shemew," 3 
every day, and rode about the city on mules in com- 
panies, a thing no Englishman ever did. But then in 
Paris, the city of horses and mules, the mud and dirt 
was such that no man could walk, and the Parisians 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 4134. 2 Ibid. 

3 Hall's Chronicle (ed. 1809), p. 594. 


did not make their river their highway as did the 
people of London. Mary's old friend Bonnivet was 
at the head of the embassy, and with him " many 
young fresh gallants of the Court of France," 
who were not concerned in the treaty-making, but 
" danced and passed the time in the Queen's chamber 
with ladies and gentlewomen." On October 3 the 
general peace was declared in St Paul's, after Mass 
celebrated by Wolsey with extraordinary magnificence. 
The King invited the whole company to dine at the 
Bishop of London's house, and afterwards they all went 
to sup with the Cardinal at Durham House 1 on the 
Strand, where was served a supper " the like of which 
was never given either by Cleopatra or Caligula, the 
whole banquetting hall being so decorated with huge 
vases of gold and silver that I [the Venetian Ambassador] 
fancied myself in the tower of Chosroes, where the 
monarch caused divine honour to be paid to him." 
Then Henry and Mary, and Suffolk and Anne Carew, 
and Bessie Blount and Sir Harry Guildford, with other 
lords and ladies, appeared as mummers dancing, and 
" after performing certain dances in their own fashion, 
they took off their visors : the two leaders were the 
King and Queen-dowager of France, and all the others 
were lords and ladies, who seated themselves apart from 
the tables and were served with countless dishes of 
confections and delicacies." Then dancing began for 
those who liked, and play for those who preferred that y 
" large bowls filled with ducats and dice being placed 
on the table for such as liked to gamble," and after all 
the company had departed Henry remained to play 
high with the Frenchmen. Two days after followed 

» L. and P. H. VIII., ii. 4481. 


the wedding of the little Princess to the Dauphin at 
Greenwich, when in front of Katharine and the French 
Queen, beside the throne, stood the baby who never 
cried, clad in cloth of gold, with a cap of black velvet 
on her head adorned with many jewels. She wanted 
to kiss Bonnivet, for she thought he was the Dauphin 
when he wedded her for the other baby with a little 
ring set with a big diamond, juxta digitum puellce. 

The Court was now gayer than ever, for Henry 
seemed to do nothing but amuse with pageants and 
hunts the French hostages exacted for the keeping of 
the peace, and Mary took her part in all. She passed 
the winter months of 1519-20 at Court or at her hus- 
band's house in Southwark, and now the talk was all 
of the meeting of the English and the French kings. 
Henry had set his mind on it, had sworn he would wear 
his beard till they met, and Katharine, usually a silent 
spectator of political doings, had set hers on a meeting 
with her nephew Charles of Spain, now the Emperor 
Charles V. She found she could not prevent the inter- 
view with Francis, but she did persuade her husband, 
and possibly Mary here joined her importunities to hers, 
to shave his beard. The news was carried to Louise 
de Savoie, who had to console herself with the reflection 
that " the love of the kings was not in their beards but 
in their hearts." A good understanding with Francis 
meant to Mary an assured income, and on the question 
of the interview she may have been at variance with 
her sister-in-law. The Court moved to Croydon to 
Sir Nicholas Carew's place, in February, and Mary 
went with them, but here she was taken ill of her " old 
disease," and would not let her husband from her side, 
as he writes to Wolsey on March 16, 1520. 


" Please it, your lordship, 1 so it is that I have know- 
ledge of your pleasure by my servant Lacy that I 
should ascertain your lordship of the number of such 
persons, as well men as women, as should give their 
attendance upon the French Queen at her giving her 
attendance upon the King's Grace in his coming to 
Calais. And also the number of the horses that should 
be requisite for the said French Queen and for her 
said servants. My lord, accordingly I have so avised 
you in the bill here enclosed the number as well of the 
said persons as of their horses. Wherefore the said 
French Queen and I doth most heartily desire your 
lordship to take the pain to order the same as you 
shall think shall stand most with the King's pleasure 
and her honour, and her Grace will be contented to 
follow the same. And, my lord, whereas I of a certain 
space have not given mine attendance upon your lord- 
ship in the King's Council according to my duty, I 
beseech your lordship to pardon me thereof. The cause 
why hath been that the said French Queen hath had, 
and yet hath, divers physicians with her for her old 
disease in her side, and as yet can not be perfectly re- 
stored to her health. And albeit I have been two times at 
London only to the intent to have waited on your lord- 
ship, yet her Grace at both times hath so sent for me 
that I might not otherwise do but return home betimes. 
Nevertheless her Grace is now in such good avancement 
that upon Tuesday or Wednesday next coming I intend, 
by God's grace, to wait upon your lordship. From 
Croydon, by your assured Charlys Suffoke." 

This recurrence of the " old disease " may have been 

1 L. and P. H. VIII. iii. 684. 


brought on by the birth of her third child, Eleanor, 
but there is no record of the date of this event. The 
doctors were successful, or else the prospect of excite- 
ment and gay doings worked a cure, for there is no 
doubt she was restored to her usual frail health when 
the meeting between the two kings was in near pre- 
paration. Mary "made great cost on the apparel" of 
her ladies and gentlewomen, and doubtless her own 
gowns were as magnificent as befitted the sister of 
Henry. But first Katharine was to have her desire^ 
and Mary was to see the man whose name she had 
borne in her girlhood for six years. On his way back 
from Spain to be crowned at Aix-la-Chapelle, Charles V. 
had arranged to meet Henry before the latter crossed 
the Channel in May, but north-easterly winds kept him 
at Corunna for three weeks, and he could only snatch a 
hurried four days' visit to his aunt and uncle at Canter- 
bury, ^where the English Court was on its way to Calais. 
There is a legend to the effect that Mary's beauty on 
this occasion so affected Charles that he was cast into 
melancholy at the thought of having lost her as his 
wife, but it is doubtful, to say the least, that he was 
moved by anything deeper than natural curiosity to see 
the woman who had jilted him in his youth. No doubt 
Mary emulated her brother's attitude when he was told 
that he had no chance of the imperial crown, for which 
he had been Charles' rival, and said now, as he did 
then, that she was better as she was. This pale-faced, 
silent, sombre young man, busy about the realities of 
government, was far less to her taste than her rubicund, 
good-natured husband, her lord and servant, over whom 
she could queen it in Tudor fashion when the occasion 
served. The maker of the legend knew more of the 


hearts of princesses than of emperors, and Mary, true 
to her upbringing, wore, no doubt, the pretty gowns 
she had had made for the meeting with the French 
Court, and would have been gratified had she seen the 
faintest desire in the eyes of her former suitor. It may 
have been there, but it found no accredited chronicler. 

On June 1 the whole Court crossed the Channel, and 
four days afterwards rode from Calais to the camp at 
Guisnes, where the sun glittered on golden tents and 
roofs. There the King and Queen and Mary were lodged 
in the house built for them in the courtyard of the castle 
of Guisnes, under the roof painted and gilded by John 
Brown, King's painter, afterwards Alderman of London. 
Since the beginning of April Sir Nicholas Vaux and 
others had been busy restoring the castle to its 
former strength, and with the help of many artists, 
particularly of John Raslett, Clement Urmeston, and 
the said John Brown, had erected this palace of 
pleasure. " Mr Maynn, 1 who dwelleth with the Bishop 
of Exeter, and Maister Barklye, the Black Monke and 
poet," were " to devise histoires and convenient raisons 
to florisshe the buildings and banquet house with all," 
and the Duke of Suffolk 2 was asked to lend divers 
of the King's arms and beasts cast in moulds, and 
batons of Urmeston' s making for the greater ease and 
furtherance of the business. The time for the erecting 
of the house was short and the workmen laboured at 
high pressure, but on June 5 it stood complete, a golden 
casket for the best in England. The windows glittered 
in golden mullions, the walls were hung with golden 
tapestry and green and white silk, the ceilings were 

1 L. and P. H. VIIL, iii. 737 ; Calig. D. vii. 202. 

2 Ibid., iii. 750 ; Calig. D. vii. 218. 


studded " with the King's roses " * (of which he had been 
so nearly disappointed by the late arrival of the artists), 
large and stately, set in a ground of fine gold, and 
between the windows were gilt bosses. The chapel, 2 for 
the service of which the rich vestments given by 
Henry VII. to Westminster were borrowed, had a 
ceiling of blue and silver, but all other ornaments and 
furnishings were of cloth of gold or of gold metal. 
Jewels blazed everywhere, in vestments, vessels, hang- 
ings ; neither was the red and white rose absent here. 
In the courtyard, claret, hypocras, and water flowed all 
day from a statue of Bacchus, and silver cups were 
lying by to drink from ; but outside, between the gate 
and the courtyard, was a quiet, green bowery maze 
like " the garden of Morganna la F^e of the days of the 
knights errant." 3 The Earl of Dorset had been sent 
over to superintend the building of the lists and the 
stands, galleries they were called, after Wolsey's " plat," 
but the churchman had to give way here to the j ouster, 
and some of Wolsey's arrangements were declared to be 
dangerous, and were altered accordingly. The tree of 
honour, on which were to be huog the shields of the 
kings as challengers, was a hawthorn twined with a rasp- 
berry, and was made in England by nimble English fingers. 
Margaret Davy and her girls made 3000 hawthorn flowers 
and buds of silk, and the " framboser " had 1800 flowers 
and 2400 red satin fruits. "The body of this royal 
albypene or whitethorn was 22 feet long, wrapped in 
cloth of gold : the thirteen principal frambosers were 
also wrapped in fine green cloth of gold : also the roots 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., iii. 750 ; Calig. D. vii. 218. 

2 Ibid., iii. 704. 

3 Ibid., iii. 870 ; Hall's Chronicle (ed. 1809), p. 605 et seq. 


wrapped after a kind in cloth of gold." * Before this 
wonderful production Francis and Henry had the usual 
amicable dispute of precedence, and it ended in Henry's 
insisting on the French King's shield being hung on the 
right side, while his was hung at the same height on 
the left. 

Before the jousts began on Monday, June 11, there 
were visits of ceremoDy, and on Sunday the 10th the 
two kings exchanged visits to each other's wives, and 
Francis was received in the most gracious manner 
possible by Katharine and Mary, while Claude was 
pleased and soothed by Henry's gentle manners. Francis 
was delighted with the glistening show at G-uisnes, just 
as Henry at Ardres was pleased with Queen, ladies (in 
passing whom " il allait tout a son aise pour les voir a 
son plaisir)," dinner, everything, in short, down to the 
velvet carpet in the high room. Monday began the 
lists, and the queens, all three, met in the glazed 
galleries reserved for them and talked comfortably out 
of the roaring wind, while below their husbands did 
marvels, in spite of the blast, which would hardly let a 
lance be couched. Many of the ladies had no French 
and many no English, and those who knew both languages 
had to interpret for the others. On the following 
Sunday, Queen Mary dined with Queen Claude, who 
was in miserable health, while Henry, who had ridden 
over with her, dressed as Hercules, invited the Admiral 
of France and other noblemen to share his table in the 
French camp. After dinner there was the usual dancing 
and disguising, and it is marvellous what pleasure the 
Tudor Court got out of " dressing up." Now Henry 
dressed up as a lanzknecht, and, masked, he swaggered 

i L. and P. H. VIII., iii. p. 1553. 


into Claude's presence as pleased as a child. There 
were musical rivalries too between the courts, but in 
this England easily bore the palm, for Henry's Court 
was notorious for its melody, and the Duke of Alencon 
could not give the King greater pleasure than to promise 
to send him his servant who played on the clavichord. 
On Saturday, the 23rd, the two kings, " all clinquant, all 
in gold," closed the lists, and in a semi-open chapel in 
the camp they and their Queens attended Mass, and such 
was their politeness that " when God was shown at the 
said Mass, which was with great honour, reverence and 
devotion," and the pax presented, neither would kiss 
it first. It remained unkissed, for the Queens, too, 
had the same difficulty, which they solved after many 
curtseys by kissing each other instead. Then came a 
dinner, and the sexes were divided — the Kings dined 
in one gallery, the Queens in their own. " Kings and 
Queens," remarks the chronicler, " always dined at 
home before coming to the banquets, and only conversed 
while admiring the service and the meats. The legates, 
cardinals and prelates dined in another room and drank 
and ate sans fiction." The next day the Kings met in 
the lists and reluctantly said good-bye, exchanging many 
presents, as did their Queens and nobles. A church, 
they decided, must be built on this auspicious spot, to 
be called " La chapelle de Notre Dame de la Paix," and 
the chronicler adds a doubtful prayer, " Dieu par sa Grace 
permette la paix etre durable, Amen." 1 

Then followed the meeting with Charles V. and the 
Lady Margaret of Savoy, and Mary saw for the first time 
the woman whose fortune had so often touched hers, for 
Margaret might have been her step-mother or her aunt, 

1 L. and P. H. VIIL, iii. 870. 


and had been in love with her husband. Suffolk seems 
to have lost his love for France by now, and, indeed, 
though French fashions were the order in the Court, and 
Henry went to the interview with the Emperor in a 
doublet and cloak given to him by Francis, the King's 
retinue were more at their ease in the Court of the King 
of Spain than they had been at Ardres. If servants' 
talk is any indication of their masters' opinions, then 
Suffolk must have been hot against the French alliance, 
for his servants could "not hold their tongues from 
speaking against France." x If this be so, Suffolk was 
now definitely in opposition to Wolsey. The trial and 
death of the Duke of Buckingham, undoubtedly Wolsey' s 
work, for wanting to make himself King, shocked the 
whole Court and increased this bitterness against the 
Cardinal, long felt by the older nobles. Buckingham 
had merely said what they all felt, that the King was 
surrounded by boys and that no place was given to 
men who had experience in counsel. But then Wolsey 
had a policy, and hated time wasted in opposition, and 
boys did not oppose. Henry was still a far cry from 
his final attitude when he tried, condemned and 
executed all in a breath, but even now the wrath of the 
King meant death. All chose rather dishonour, and 
Buckingham's peers to a man, and the Duke of Norfolk 
with bitter tears, condemned him on puerile evidence 
for a crime which in their hearts they had all com- 
mitted. Buckingham was no favourite, a quick-tempered 
man with a bitter tongue, and Mary would be loyal to 
her family, and without doubt took her brother's view, 
and approved heartily Suffolk's " I say that he is guilty," 
for she was indignant at this attempt to wrest the 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., iii. 926 ; Galba B. vi. 186. 


crown from her family, and no other aspect of the case 
would be presented to her. Neither she nor her husband 
disdained to profit in the grants * from the Duke's estates, 
which followed his execution and their confiscation. 

The peace between England and France was of short 
duration, and by 1523 Henry was keenly interested in 
! fishing for a crown in the waters of France troubled by 
1 the Bourbon rebellion. One reason for war given in 
the Parliament of 1523 2 was the injury done to the 
King's sister, the Queen-dowager of France, in with- 
holding her dower. Mary was parted from Suffolk, 
who was made Earl Marshal and sent to command the 
English army in France, which, in conjunction with 
the Burgundians, was to march on Paris. Suffolk, by 
refusing to follow Henry's senseless plan of besieging 
Boulogne, and " by winning the passage of the Somme 
and unresisted entry into the bowels of France," 3 
encouraged the King to think there was likelihood 
of his obtaining his ancient right. But there was the 
usual difficulty of joint arms, and the Burgundians, 
unpaid by Margaret, refused to go beyond the Somme, 
" limoners " 4 (transport horses) were unobtainable in 
the winter, and there were no provisions, so that the 
army " dissolved and skaled," and Suffolk came to 
Calais in December with small thanks. 5 He was 
kept waiting there a long time with his captains " till 
their friends had sued to the King for their return," 
for Wolsey and the King had both wrung the utter- 
most penny from the country and the King's treasury 
to win the crown of France, and bitter was Henry's 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., iii. 3162. 2 Ibid., iii. 2958. 

3 Ibid., iii. 3485 ; Galba B. viii. 87. 4 Ibid., iv. 26. 

* Rid., iii. 3623 ; Add. MS. 24,965, f. 131. 


disappointment. " But at the last all things were 
taken in good part, and they well received and in 
great love, favor and familiaritie with the Kyng." * 

The life of Queen Mary when not at Court or at 
her husband's house in Southwark was spent chiefly 
in Suffolk and Norfolk, for when provisions at West- 
horpe, their chief seat, gave out, she toured through 
the counties from house to house and from abbey to 
abbey, in imitation of the royal custom. Pic-nics and 
hunting parties were her diversions, and she evidently 
delighted in the kindly and courteous treatment she 
always received from the monks. 2 Her household was 
a large one; in 1527 it consisted of two knights and 
one esquire, forty men, and seven gentlewomen, 3 and 
this naturally did not include domestic servants. She 
had her chamberlain, her vice-chamberlain, treasurer, 
steward, and comptroller, while her husband had his 
officers and his council, and ruled county affairs. Mary 
was beloved by the country-folk and adored by her 
servants, in whose welfare she took the keenest interest, 
as is attested by the numerous letters written by her 
to Wolsey and others in their favour. She was not 
without domestic troubles, for her husband's former 
wife, Dame Margaret Mortimer, 4 who owned Somerton 
in Suffolk, had had to appeal to the Duke for protection 
against her daughter Anne, whose second husband, 
Robert Browne, wanted to get hold of Lady Mortimer's 
possessions. The affair, which in some scenes was 
melodramatic enough, possibly led to questions about 

1 Hall's Chronicle (ed. 1809), p. 672. 

2 Chron. Butley Abbey, Tanner MS. 90, ff. 29-33, Bodleian Library, 
quoted by Mrs Green. 

3 L. and P. H. VIII., iv. 2972. 4 Hid., iv. 736-7. 


the validity of Mary's own marriage and the legitimacy 
of her children. This was in 1524, and next year the 
King openly acknowledged his illegitimate son by 
Mistress Bessie Blount, and made him premier Duke 
in the kiugdom, with the title of Duke of Richmond. 
At the same time he created Lord Henry Brandon, 
Mary's son, Earl of Lincoln. 1 Then came the " King's 
secret matter," to which her husband was privy, in 
the summer of 1527, 2 and of which she was probably 
not ignorant. This was Henry's tardy consciousness 
of guilt at having married his brother's wife, which 
increased in intensity as his love and desire for Anne 
Boleyn grew stronger. What large issues were to 
hang on the fact that Anne was not as easy as the 
other ladies at Court. Had she but been a Bessie 
Blount ! Mary was alarmed at this upsetment of 
all social status, and sent to Rome for a bull from 
Clement VII. to attest the legitimacy of her children's 
birth. It was exhibited before the Bishop of Norwich 
by Humphrey Wingfield, the Duke's cousin, on August 
20, 1529. 3 Scruples of conscience being fashionable, 
it rests on these the facts of the annulling of Suffolk's 
marriage with Lady Mortimer and his resumption of 
Anne Browne. Money matters, too, were a constant 
worry all her life long. Apart from the fact that 
payment to Mary might flow in peace and was 
dammed in war, the officials who farmed her 
dower lands in Saintonge and elsewhere did not 
pay over the proceeds as had been arranged, and 
she was continually hampered by lack of money, 
while her representatives in France during the wars 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., iv. 1431 (8) ; Add. MS. 6113, f. 61, B.M. 

2 L. and P. H. VIII., iv. 3217. 3 Ibid., iv. 5859. 


were imprisoned and put to ransom. 1 When the 
general peace was signed with France in 1518 Wolsey 
did not forget Mary's interests ; in fact, he was not 
allowed to do so, for Dr Denton, the French Queen's 
almoner, daily waited on him to represent her interests. 
Once before they had been omitted "for lack of her 
book," 2 and Denton was there to see that this did not 
happen again. Wolsey gave him all heed in the 
matter, and the dot was set forth by the English 
ambassadors in Paris. In 1525 the capture of Francis 
at Pavia left France without a king, and gave the 
English a chance to open profitable negotiations with 
Louise de Savoie, 3 the Regent. The restitution of 
Mary's dowry, with payment of arrears, was made a 
necessary article in the truce. Wolsey even went the 
length of demanding the gold plate and jewels, but 
Louise was indignant, and repeated what had been so 
often said, that Mary had been married according to 
the customs of France, by which movables were the 
common property of man and wife, and descend to the 
survivor, but only on payment of debts, and Mary had 
repudiated her responsibility for these. Also " the 
miroir," the most excellent jewel in Christendom, had 
been sent to England, and the English might well be 
satisfied with this. However, Louise gave a satisfactory 
promise that Mary's dowry should be paid at Calais 
twice yearly in May and November, and that arrears 
should be paid up at the rate of £5000 per annum. 
There was a good deal of haggling about who should 
farm the dower lands ; the French Court wanted to 
appoint the officers, but Mary demanded the right to 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., iii. 2446 and 3535. 

2 Ibid., ii. 4388. 3 Ibid., iv. 1093. 


do this, and it was conceded. She wrote to Wolsey on 
the matter, and, if words mean anything, the letter 
shows the kindly terms on which she was with the 

"My lord, 1 in my most hearty wise I recommend 
me unto you. So it is divers of my rights and duties 
concerning my dot in France have been of late time 
stent and restrained, in such case as I ne mine affairs 
may not have ne receive the same as they have done 
in times past being to my damages therein. And so 
thereat great trouble many ways, as my trusty servant 
George Hampton, this bearer, shall shew unto you, to 
whom I pray you to give credence in the same. And 
my lord in this and in all others I evermore have and 
do put mine only trust and confidence in you for the 
redress of the same. Entirely desiring you therefore 
that I may have the King's Grace's, my dearest brother's, 
letters unto France to such as my said servant shall 
desire. And by the same I trust my said causes shall 
be brought to such good conclusion and order now, that 
I shall from henceforth enjoy my estate there in as 
ample use as I have heretofore. And so it may stand 
with your pleasure, I would gladly my dearest brother's 
ambassadors being in France now, by your good means 
should have the delivery of the said letters with them, 
furthermore of the contents of the same to that they 
may do. And thus my lord I am evermore bold to put 
you to pains without any recompense unless my good 
mind and hearty prayers, whereof ye shall be assured 
during my life to the best of my power, as knoweth the 

Suffolk's letter a month later is just as friendly. He 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., iv. 1542. 


says, " The said French Queen and I do not only put this 
matter in your hands, but at all times hereafter shall do 
in the same as shall be thought good by your Grace, as 
we be bounden to do, seeing the great kindness that 
your Grace doth daily shew unto the said French 
Queen and me by the which you bind us during our life 
to do your Grace such pleasures as shall lie in our 
powers." 1 For the last few years of her life Mary's 
income was paid regularly, thanks largely to Wolsey, 
to whom she and her husband had cause to be grateful, 
as they both said. 

But the Cardinal was upsetting the old order, and 
life in the county of Suffolk was not as pleasant as it 
had been. The people had banded and murmured 
against the subsidies for the French war. The master 
cloth- workers (Suffolk was the centre of the woollen 
trade) said if they paid the King they could not pay 
their hands ; the work-folk said, No work, no paying of 
the subsidy ; and they rioted. Suffolk, aided by the 
new Duke of Norfolk, no friend of his or of Wolsey's 
either, had to put down the insurrection. Then Wolsey 
was suppressing some of the smaller monasteries and 
founding Ipswich College. Some of Mary's friends 
among the clergy were suffering, notably the Abbot 
of St Benets, 2 and she and her husband had to relinquish 
to the use of the new college their title deeds to the 
Priory of Snape, of Sayes Court (Deptford), and of 
Bickling. There were changes all round and Wolsey 
was blamed for all. Still, it seems almost incredible 
that the Duke who wrote so gratefully to the Cardinal 
in 1525 should be using in 1528 or earlier every art to 
poison the King's mind against him. Suffolk had the 
1 L. and P. H. VIII., iv. 1543. 2 Ibid., iv. 3772. 


reputation of being grasping and avaricious, he never 
dropped a noble unless he took up a royal for it, and 
his gratitude and his dislike were perhaps both rooted 
in his pocket. The disaster of the divorce wrecked 
the frail ship of Tudor court morality. All through 
the year's struggle with Wolsey [1528-9] Suffolk sang 
treble to Norfolk's bass, and it was his iu corrigible 
courtier habits which tuned his voice so harmoniously 
to Howard's, for the burden of their song was that the 
King's matrimonial wishes were being secretly frustrated 
by Wolsey. The Dukes used Mistress Anne, as she 
was generally called, as a lever to hoist their enemy 
out of office, and when Suffolk was sent on an embassy 
to France to prevent any rapprochement between 
Francis and Charles V. which would have heartened 
the Pope into refusing point blank a bull of divorce, 
the report was that by his conversations he had put 
Wolsey out of favour with the French King. Mary 
did not exile herself entirely from her brother's Court, 
where his mistress ruled, and a bastard took precedence 
of all nobles, and where her niece was disregarded, but 
one would like to think that she did not second her 
husband in his hunting of the Cardinal. However, 
there is no evidence one way or the other. 

Once the great man down, and the seals of office in 
the hands of Norfolk, with Suffolk as his lieutenant, 
the heinousness of the proceedings against Queen 
Katharine struck both Dukes, and they agreed that 
"the time was come when all the world should strive 
to dismount the King from his folly." Suffolk with- 
stood Henry at least once to his face, and he summed 
up the situation "in two words and said that the 
Queen was ready to obey him [Henry] in all matters, 


but there were two that she must first obey. The 
King, thinking he meant the Pope and your Majesty 
[Charles V.], inquired immediately who these two were. 
He replied that God was the first and her conscience 
the other, which she would not destroy for him or for 
any other." * Henry turned away and made no answer. 
The same writer, Chapuys, the Imperial Ambassador, 
said that " Suffolk and his wife if they dared would 
offer all possible resistance to this marriage," and in an 
age when the Archbishop of Canterbury refused to give 
Queen Katharine advice because, he said, " ira principis 
mors est" how can one blame the Suffolks for not 
daring ? Mary was beloved by the Londoners, 2 who 
were heart and soul for Katharine, and her well-known 
sympathy with her sister-in-law and her niece is attested 
by that ridiculous figure which appeared in Lincoln- 
shire after her death claiming to be the Princess Mary, 
and retailing conversations with her aunt the French 
Queen. 3 

Mary's health had for long been far from good. 
This mysterious and recurring disease in her side con- 
stantly demanded physicians, with which the Court 
swarmed, for Henry was a great drug-master. In one 
letter [undated] she implores the King's permission to 
come up to consult his physician, Master Peter, than 
whom no other in her opinion can give her relief, 
and her husband seconds her request in a letter in 
which he says she sits and weeps all day long, and is 
generally very ill as anyone can see. But here again 
the searcher draws a blank. There is no information, 
and one is suddenly confronted with a line in a letter 

1 L. and P. H. VIII., v. 287. 2 Ibid., vi. 723. 

8 iW&,vi. 1193. 


of Chapuys' to his master, "the Duchess of Suffolk, late 
Queen of France, is dead," and he adds, touching the 
keynote to Mary's claim to publicity in her later life, 
"by which the French King will gain 30,000 crowns 
a year of dower." She died on Midsummer's Day > 
says Hall ; on June 26, says the Heralds' College, at 
Westhorpe in Suffolk. 

Her funeral was deferred for nearly a month to allow 
time for the representatives of France to be present, 
and finally took place at Bury St Edmunds on Tuesday, 
July 21. The strange thing about it is that not Mary's 
husband, nor her son the Earl of Lincoln, but her eldest 
daughter, Lady Frances, was the chief mourner, followed 
by her second daughter, Lady Eleanor, and, in fact, the 
cortege was chiefly made up of ladies. The abbey was 
draped in black, and, after the coffin had been lowered, 
the chief officers of her household brake their staves of 
office, and, weeping, cast them into the grave, and the 
French herald cried aloud, "Pray for the soul of the 
right high excellent princess and right Christian Queen, 
Mary, late French Queen, and for all Christian souls." 
Then they left her lying under the device which had 
blazed so gloriously in Abbeville and in Paris, 



I. Papers relating to the preparations for the marriage 
of Princess Mary to the Prince of Castile at Calais in 
May 1514. 

i [Cotton MSS. Vitellius, xi. 150.] 
The margins are burnt. 

For the transporting of Lady Mary, princesse of 

First it may please the King's grace to name some 
honorable aged person to be her chamberlayne for the 
tyme. And he to devise for thapparell of her chamber 
and for officers of the same. 

Item to Appoint some sadde personne to be tresourer 
of her chamber for the tyme. And that he devise plate 
for her chamber, coubbord and Ewry. 
[ ]r Edmund. Item to Appointe an almosyner and confessor both in 
one persone, certayne chaplayns and a clerk of the closet. 
And the same clerke to devise the ornaments and other 
stuffe necessarie for her chapell. 
[ ] Jernyng- Item to Appointe a master of her horse. And he to 
provyde palfrais, litters, Sadils, and Apparell for the said 
My lady of Ox- Item that it may please the qwenis grace to name 
some honorable personage to be her Lady Maistres. 

Item to Appoint certayn other Ladies the whiche 
with thear attendaunce gevyng uppon the said Ladie 
Maistres. And by her advise have the charge to devise 
for thapparell of her person. 

Item to Appoint other Ladies and Gentil women wherof 
some to Attende and some to serve in the Chamber of the 



said princess and some to contynue in her service in 

Wardrobe of Beds. 

ii [Ibid., 145.] 

The margins are burnt. 

Hereafter ensuyth such stuff as is nede [burnt] be 
provided for my ladie the princesse of [Castell] and 
aswell for her wardrop of beddes as [for] her stable 
against the solempnization of her marriage. 

[The words enclosed and in italics have been sub- 
stituted for others in a hand which seems to be 

First her bedde chamber to be hanged with cloth of 

gold (with a border imbrodred with her bagies or any other 


All these pieces Item for the said chamber a large trussing bedde with 

of the Kyngs* celour tester and counterpoint of [the fine] cloth of golde, 

wardrobe or in w i t h Curtaynes of Damaske. 

default therof J 

in london [in Item a chayar of cloth of gold. 

hancnj. 8 Item iiij longe and large carpetts to cover the floure of 

the same chamber. 

Item v cussions of cloth of golde (1 rycher then the 
other) iii long and ii shorte. 

Item smale carpetts for windowes, borde and cobords 
(v) at the lest (of velvet of cramosyne) and as many carpetts 
of wolle for every day. 

Item a fethyr bedde of fine doune with a bolster, ij 
pillows, (v) smale pillowes for to take the say [i.e. for 
crossing the sea] and for every of them iij pilowe beers 
off fyne holland cloth. 

Item iiij pair of fyne shets and ij pair of fustians for 
the said trussing bedde. 

Item a palet bedde (of feddars) with bolster furnisshed 
with shets (iii payr) fustians (ii payre) and counterpoint 
(ii) for the gentelwomen that shall lie in the said 


For the secound chamber. 
[The> must be First a riche story of Aras gold & silver (of iiij yards 
Kundrea! ^ depe) with a border of her armys and bagies for a remem- 
[ ]flemesse braunce (ofijfote depe paid- [?] the flemysshe elne xv.s.). 

Item a large sparver of cloth of golde (with the same 
L 1 or er. s t or y e grevyne in toto of cramosyn velvet pourpale, the velvet 
embrodred with her bagies and other devise) with a counter- 
point of the same, the curteyns of the same sparver to be 
of (double [[sarsene]t ?] pourpale with the colors that the cloth 
of golde and velvet hath). 

Item a Chaiar of cloth of golde for the same chamber 
with v cossions of cloth of golde iij longe and ij shorte. 

Item a fether bedde of fyne doune with a bolster and 
ij pillowes with shetis, fustians and pillowebeers as is 
appointed for the trussing bedde. 

Item a longe and large carpet for the borde (under the 
fete) and iiij for wyndowes carpetts. 
[Item a traverse of cramosyn sarsenet.] 

For the iij de Chamber. 

First a hanginge of (fyne tapessarye) with bagies and 
armys [burnt] in the border (of vi flemysshe elnes in toto). 

Item a bedde of astate with a counterpoint of (riche 
velvet and cloth of golde of her colors purpale). 

Item a chaiar of cloth (of cramosyne velvet embrodred) 
and v cussions of the same. 

Item a large fedder bedde with a bolster for the said 
bedde of astate. 

Item a large and a longe carpet and iiij smale carpetts 
for the said chamber. 

Item ij cloths of astate the oon richer then the other 
of cloth of gold. 

The iiij th Chamber. 

First a story of good and fyne Tapettry for to hange 
the same chamber with a border of her armys and bagies 
(of vi elnes with the border [ ] iiij ft.). 



Item viii paillat (1 fedder) bedds, every of they 
stuffed, with bolster, fustians, counterpoint and iij pair 
of shets for every paillat. 

Item a stole covered with crymsyne velvet, nay lied 
with gilt naills and a smale canape with curteyns of 
crymsyne double sarcenet to hange a bowte the same 

Item a basyn for the said stole of silver. 

Item ij or iij large carpetts and vij smale carpetts in 
store to serve alwaies when nede is. 

Item as many pieces of fyne border or tapicerie worke 
as will serve for hanging of ij or iij chambers when she 
rides by the waye (or ellys [or else] the same that she hath 
if it he thought holl and well colored and honest). 

Item a trussing bedde to carry with her by the waye 
with celor, testor and counterpoint of velvet or of damaske 
purpale of her colors, with bedd, bolster, pillowes, 
fustians, shets and other necessaries there for. 

Item ij cofres for her juels. 

Item iij cofres for her plate. 

Item iij large cofres for the wardrobe for bedds, shetis 
and fustians. 

Item iiij cloth sackes at the lest and cases for [the] 
trussing bedde. 

For the Stables. 

First a Eiche litter of cloth of golde lyned with satan 
or Damaske with iiij cussions of the same cloth of golde : 
with horse harness for the same. 

Item a charriot for herre or her principall ladies 
covered with cloth of golde with iiij cussions of the 
same ; and the horse harnais in likewise. 

Item ij other charriots for ladies or gentilwomen 
covered with crymsyne velvet and for every charriot iiij 
cossions of the same. And the horse harnais in like 

Item a large and a goodlie palfray to be ledde in hande 
with a sadill and pillion covered with riche clothe of 


golde, the bordres richelie Imbrodred orels [or else] of 
goldsmyth worke harnes of the same. 

Item a nother goodlie palfray with a like riche side 
sadill for the said Ladie princesse to Kide alone the 
harneis like. 

Item viii other palfrais to folowe her with side sadils 
richelie covered with cloth of gold orels Imbrodred upon 
velvet with harnes of the same. 

Item iij or iiij fotemen with riche cots of goldsmyths 
worke to goo a boute her litter or a boute her palfray. 

Item a pase to lifte her uppon her palfray covered 
with silver plate gilt as the qwene is grace is. 

Item a chaunge for the said palfrais, that is to say 
aswell pilions, sadils and harneis, and also coverings for 
the said litter and chariotts to cover theym when it is 
foule wedder, and a change of harneis for every of the 
horses of the said litter and Ladies chariotts. 

Item a closed carre for her wardrobe of the robes and 
ij chariotts for the wardrobe of the robes, ij Large 
cannavas and ij borehidis for the said chariotts to save 
the stuf drie. 

Item a bottell horse and sadell for her flagons. 

Item a sompter horse for her trussing bedde. 

Item a nother for her cofres. 

Item a male horse. 

Item a nother horse for the grome of the sta[ble]. 

Item the said palfrais to be provided for betymes and 
in likewise horsis for the litter, the Ladies chariotts and 
for all other cariags before specified. 

ii For themperours logienge. 

First his bed chamber to be hanged with cloth off golde 
and a trussing bedde with testor and celor and counter- 
point of riche cloth of golde, the curteyns with damaske. 
With all other necessaries ther to belonging. 

Item a chaier of cloth of golde and v cussions of the 
same for the said chamber. 


Item for the borde, cubbourd and windowes carpetts 
of the same or of velvet. 

Item iij fyne carpetts to lye on the flowre or a boute 
his bedde. 

Item a pailot bedde furnisshed for theym that be in 
his chamber. 

The secounde chamber. 

First the secounde chamber to be hanged with riche 
Aras of golde and silke. 

Item a bedde with a sparver and counterpoint of cloth 
of golde, the curteyns of double sarcenet. 

Item a chaier of cloth of golde and cussions off the 
same for the said chamber and window[es] a greate 
carpett for the floure and smale carpet[ts] for the bourde, 
cubborde and windows of velvet or of wolle and a cloth 
of astate of cloth of gold. 

The iii de chamber. 

The iii de chamber to be hanged with fyne tapestry with 
carpetts upon the cubbord and windowes and cussions of 
velvet if nede be. 

Item a chamber hanged and well dressed for his cham- 

The Prince of Castill. 

For the prince of Castill in like forme as the Emperour 
excepte the prince to have the hall well hanged and 
appointed and also the chapell. 

For my Lady Margarete Archeduchess of Austriche. 

First her bedde chamber to be hanged with riche Aras. 
The seconde chamber also. The iii de of fyne tapestry, a 
large trussing bedde of cloth of gold, the curteyns of 
damaske: a chaiar of cloth of golde and iij cussions 
of the same. Carpetts about her bedde of wolle and 
upon the cubborda and windowes of velvet. 


The secounde chamber, 


In the secounde chamber a bedde with a sparver & 
counterpoint of cloth of goulde & velvet purpale : 
curteyns of double sarcenet, with all that belongeth 
thereto. A cloth of a state of cloth of goulde. A large 
carpet in the floure. A chaier covered with crymsyn 
velvet and cussions of the same for the said chaiar. 
Windowes carpetts for the bords and windowes of velvet 
or of wollen. 

Item a chamber to be hanged and dressed for her 

Item to have in store paillet bedds furnished for 
every chamber wher beddes be, and v or vi besids 
them for every of the said logiengs of themperour, 
prince and Archeduchesse. 

The Kyngs logieng. 

Item for the Kings lodegeing iiij chambers at the lest, 
to be hanged and well appointed. And a chapell if nede be. 

Themperour to be lodgied where the last deputie 
dwelled in Calais. 

The prince in the staple house. 

My Ladie Margaret Archeduches in the Tresourer's 

The King's grace in the castell. 

[Ibid., 145. The margins are burnt.] 

iii My Lady the Princesse of Castell. 

First a Cronell for her head of golde & stone in the day 
•of her mariage. 

Item a goodlie devise for her neke set with stone and 

Item a goodlie gurdill of golde of as goodlie facion as 
may bee devised. 

Item ii braseletts of golde set with stone and perle. 


Item on the nexte day for her change a Eiche Juell of 

golde with a cheyne of golde for her nekke. 
Item a goodlie gurdill of golde. 

Item a goodlie Crosse gilte poisaunt . iiij" unc. 

Tobeprovydyd Item vi Imags [images] gilte poisaunt . lx oz. 

in aun ns. j£ em jj chalises gilte poisaunt both to gedders iiij* 1 oz. 

Item ii goodlie candilstiks gilte poisaunt . cxx oz. 

Item iiij Cruetts gilte poisaunt all to gedders lx oz. 

Item ii Basens of her owne poisaunt to 

gedders .... cxx oz. 

To be newly Item a haliwaterstok gilte poisaunt . lvii oz. 

made here. 

To be new Item a boll of silver and gilte poisant . xii oz. 

made here. 

Item ij goodlie Cuppes of golde the one 
garnyshyd with why[te] herts [?] the 
other with rosys. 

Item one other cup of gold with portculles 
and a rose on the top garnyshyd with 
gold ..... 

Item ij faire large potts well wrought either 

of theym weying cc oz. 
Item ij goodlie flagons gilte well wrought 
either of theym weying cc oz. 
of] hyr owne. Item ij lesse potts gilte poisaunte . 
hyr owne Item ij potts of alesse sorte poisaunt 


Thre to be new Item xij bollis with ij covers well wrought 

[mlade and 

thre of hyr poisaunt .... 

w7ththe d ° ne Item a P air of fla £ ons ( of frenche plate) 

[cover]. poisaunt .... 

Of the King's Item ij standing Cuppes gilte poisaunt 

To be new Item iij Cuppes of Assey gilte poisaunt 


Of her owne. Item a whyte potte for bere poisaunt 
to be made of Item a greate water potte . 

XXX oz. 

iiij c unc. 

iiij oz. 

iij c unc. 

cxx oz. 

iiij c oz. 

xl oz. 

iiij xx uncs. 

1 unc. 

iiij xx unc. 

cxx oz. 


of hyr owne. Item a spone of golde poisaunt . . ij unc. 

of hyr owne Item ij goodlie salts of golde garnysshyd 

with one cover poisaunt . . lx oz. 



to be pro- 
to be pro- 
one of hyr 
owne and two 
of the Kyng's 

of the Kyng's 

owne stuff. 

of the frenche 


to be made. 

Item xij spones gilte poisaunt . . xviij oz. 

Item a pair of kerving knyves gilt 

Item iij salts without covers poisaunt . iiij" oz. 

Item a pair of goodlie Basins gilte of a 

goodlie facion poisaunt . . iij oz. 

Item iij Basins and iij Ewers poisaunt each 

Basin iiij!* oz. poisaunt each Ewer x loz. ijxl oz. 

Item a greate Ewer for to warme water 

poisaunt . . . . c oz. 

to be bowgth . 
of A. ys plate 

fltem v spice plats with two covers gilte 

poisaunt . . . . v c oz. 

Item xii pecs of spice plats parcell gilte 

for powder, soketts and peris poisaunt ii c [burnt] 

^Iteni a ginger potte and a forke poisaunt . xxx [burnt] 

to be pro- 

of her owne 
thre and ij to 
be provydyd. 

to be pro- 

Item v candilstiks gilte of a goodlie facion 

poisaunt . . . . cc oz. 

Item v candilstiks parcell gilte poisaunt . viij xx oz. 

Item a weyving stole to be platted with 

Item a little pirling while [wheel]. 
Item a pair of billetts with a port a pynne 

and two mortues to the same. 
Item a faire coffer of silver to lay in her 

^Item A Meror or glasse golde poisaunt 

of the Kyng's j^em a l e yer for lie poisaunt 

owne plate. ^ * 

to be pro- I tem a ^ ie casse g^te poisaunt 


rltem vi potts parcell gilte poisaunt a pece 

of the Kyng's I 1 oz. ..... 

litem xii bollis parcell gilte poisaunt 
to be pro- Item an almessdisshe poisaunt 


to be pro- Item a rownde Basyn for the Chamber 
vydyd ' poisaunt .... 

vi oz. 
lx oz. 
xx oz. 

ccc oz. 
ccc oz. 
cc. oz. 

xl oz. 


of the Kyng's item ij garnysshe of silver vessells poisaunt iij 1 iij 1 oz. 
of the frenche Item one chaffingdisshe poisaunt . . lx oz. 


II. Inventory of the trousseau furnished for the Princess 
Mary on her marriage with Louis xii. There are four 
manuscripts, two of which are fragments. 

i. Transcripts : Foreign Countries : France vol. v. 
Public Kecord Office. 
Endorsed : 

(a) Archives du Eoyaume. Tresor des chartes. 

T. 650. 11. Inventaire des meubles de la 
chapelle Eobbes et Vetemens fournis par le 
Eoi dAngleterre pour sa soeur Marie Femme 
de Louis xii. 

This has been collated with a fragment of 
the original copy given to the master of the 
English wardrobe. MSS Cotton. Vitellius 
xi. 158, British Museum. 

(b) Archives du Eoyaume. Tresor des chartes. 

T. 650. 11. Inventaire des chevaux haquenees 
et haubins, litiere et chariots, &c. fournis par 
le Eoi dAngleterre pour sa sceur Marie 
Femme de Louis xii. 

(a) Cy apres sensuyvent les meubles de la chapelle 
habillemens qui sont robes coctes habillemens 
de teste manches et aussi litz cielz doucielz 
cote-pointes Linges cossins et autres utencilles 
pareillement tapisseries tapez veluz et autres 
choses le tout delivre et mis es mains du tres 
xtien Eoy Loys de France xii e de ce nom. En 
la presence, de Messrs Thomas Bohier, Jacques 
de Beaune et Henry Bohier chevalliers et 
conseiller dv dit Seigneur Eoy Loys de France 
et generaulx de ses finances par Mess. Andre 
de Windesore chevallier conseiller et maistre de 
la grant garde Eobe du tres excellent et tres 
puissant prince Henry Eoy dAngleterre et de 



France huit me de ce nom. Les dits meubles 
utencilles et autres choses donnees ordonnes et 
establyes par le dit Roy dAngleterre et de 
France a tres haulte et tres excellente princesse 
Madame Marie a present Eoyne de France sa 
sceur pour le service et usage de son corps et 
autres usaiges et services. Ce present inventaire 
fait en la ville dAbbeville le xj et xij jours 
doctobre Ian mil cinq cens et quatorze. Du 
quel inventaire ont este faiz et arretez deux 
rolles lung signe par le maistre de la grant garde 
robe lequel doit demeurer es mains du dit Roy 
Loys de France et lautre inventaire signe par les 
dits generaulx doit demeurer es mains de dit Eoy 
dAngleterre et de France et ont les dites 
Holies este endentelez par le hault pour les 
adjointer et recognoistre quant besoign sera et 
que le cas les requerra pour lung & pour 
lautre des dits deux Roys. 

Et premierement pour la chapelle. 

Andrew de Wyndesore. Andrew de Wyndesore. 

Premierement quatre pieces de tappisserie pour tendre 
la chapelle qui sont de Damas blancs et cramoisy chacune 
tappisserie de largeur de six damas doublez de bougran 

Item ung travers de taffetas et de sept longeurs de 

Item deux paremens dautel mespartez de damas blanc 
et damas cramoisy a fleurs dor de baudequyn [riche drap 
de sole : Godefroy]. 

Autres deux paremens dautel pour le hault et pour le 
bas de drap dor tissu mespartez dont lun este figure de 
cramoisy et lautre de jaune. 

Item ung autre pour le hault et pour le bas de velours 
bleu et cramoisy mes partyz. 


Convertures. Item une converture dautel de drap imperial de 

Messais. Item ung messal. 

Sr^rlSix Item trois estuitz a cor P° r eaulx et deux corporaulx de 

drap dor tissu sur cramoisy. 
Chaaubies. Item une chasuble de drap dor tissu de pourpre avec 

la croix dicelle dorfroys borde de perles et autres choses 

Item une autre chasuble de drap daras bordee de velours 
bleu complecte. 

Item une autre chasuble de velours pourpre avec une 
croix de drap dor figure de blanc complecte. 
Toaiiiesdautei. Item quatre toailles dautel dyapres [d'Ypres]. 

Item une toaille pour nectoyer les mains. 
SSSSb? Item un S de drap dor bleu tyssu. 

Item ung autre de drap dor cramoisy tyssu. 
Item ung autre de drap de velours cramoisy. 
Item ung autre de drap de velours bleu. 
roSKfTta les Item une robb e de velour couleur de pourpre doublee 
mode de drap dor jaune sur satin. 

Francoiae. T x -,, 

item une robbe de drap dor garnie de damas de baude- 
quyn fourree dermynes. 

Item une robbe de drap dargent a louvrage de damas 
doublee de velours cramoisy broche dor. 

Item une robbe de drap dor figure en sorte de damas 
fourree de pampelyon. 

Item une autre robbe de drap dor de damas cramoisy 
a louvrage dytalia [d'ltalie] fourree de mynks. 

Item une robbe de drap dor tissu sur pourpre fourree 
de sables. 

Item une robbe de Satin cramoisy doublee de drap dor 
de damas sur vert. 

Item une robbe de Satin cramoisy broche dor a facon 
et ouvrage de yeulx doyseaulx doublee de velours sur 
velours de pourpre et broche dor. 

Item une robbe de velours cramoisy doublee de drap 
dor de damas cramoisy en facon deschiquier. 

Item une robbe de velours noir doublee dermynes. 


Item une robbe de Satin pourpre doublee de drap dor 
de damas sur pourpre. 

Item une robbe de Satin cramoisy broche dor de 
baudequyn fourree de Komaine [sic]. 

Item une robbe de Satin gris broche dor en facon 
dyeulx doiseaulx double de velours cramoisy. 

Item une robbe de velours jaune doublee de Eomaine. 

Item une robbe de velours jaune fourree de peaulx de 
conilz noirs. 
Sensuyvent les Item une cotte de satin gris broche dor a yeulx 

cottes a la ° J 

facon doiseaulx. 

Item une cotte de drap dor sur pourpre a facon de 

Item une autre de Satin cramoisy. 

Item une autre cotte de drap dor blanc frise figure de 

Item une cotte de drap dargent de Venise de 

Item une cotte de Satin broche dor sur or couleur de 
vert et dyeulx doiseaulx. 

Item une cotte de drap dor de damas cramoisy de 

Item plus sept paires de manches sortables aux dites 
Sensuyvent les Hem une robbe de satin Cramoisy bordee de drap 

robbes a la J , r 

mode dargent de damas doublee de taffetas noir. 

Item une robbe de Satin broche sur argent de baude- 
quyn fourree de bougys [lamb]. 

Item une robbe de Satin broche de cramoisy sur or a 
la nouvelle facon bordee de velours et doublee de taffetas 
l^dke^obbV * tem un roDDe de velours noir bordee de Satin noir 
» este veue. doublee de taffetas noir. 
La Royne la [Blank in original.] 

damee a L o j 


Item une robbe de velours noir doublee de martres. 
Item une robbe de velours noir bourdee de mynks et 
fourree de calabre. 


Item une robbe de velours jaune bordee de drap dor 
figure de blanc et doublee de taffetas. 

Item une robbe de drap dor figure a figures et tissue 
de blanc fourree dermynes. 

Item une robbe de Satin broche sur argent bordee dor 
et doublee de taffetas blanc. 
Sensuyvent les Item une cotte dargent en facon de camelot en borde 
facon de velours cramoisy. 

dAngleterre. j tem une coUe de g atin yert bor( j ee de drap dor# 

Item une cotte de Satin noir tissu sur or bordee de 

velours cramoisy. 

La Royne la : Item une cotte de satin cramoisy bordee de drap dor. 

este veue sur Item une cotte de satin pourpre bordee de drap dor. 

son corps. j tem une cotte ^ Q ga ^ n ^ anc bordee de velours 

La "Royne la: Item une cotte de satin jaune bordee de velours 

la dite cotte a 

este veue. CramoiSY. 

Item sept paires de manches sortables aux dites 
Robbes a la fa- Item une robbe de drap dargent a la sorte de damas 
de baudequyn embordee de drap dor doublee de taffetas 

Item une robbe de satin vert doublee de drap dargent 
de damas et bordee de drap dargent de damas. 

Item une robbe de drap dor a louvrage de camelot [this 

seems to be woven or embroidered in circles or rondeaux] 

doublee de velours vert et taffetas vert et bordee de satin 


Bonnetz a la f a- Troys bonnetz le premier de velours cramoisy, lautre 

con de Miiian. de ve i ours no i r e t lautre de satin cramoisy. 

Esg^iiiiettes Item xxviii grandes esguilettes dor de Venise et xii 

[points] pour ... 

les Robbes a la petltes. 

nonTerref ^Les Item xxvui esguillettes grandes faictes dor et soye 

esguiiiettes cramoisye et xii petites. 

robbes. ' Item xxviii grandes esguillettes dor et soye verte et 

douze petites. 
Manteauixet Item une manteau de scarlate. deux chapperons de 
La a Royne les a. velours noir. douze pieces appartenant aux chapperons. 


Scabeiies. Une couverture de velours cramoisy une autre de- 

Lesditeschoses , , 

ont este veues. bOdiidUJ. 

Une custode [curtain] de taffetas vert. 
Car & grans Item ung car clos : deux grans estandars. 
LtetTet con- Item ung chapeau couvert de taffetas borde velours, 
chettes et a j t deux CO uvertures de cuyr pour couvrir les dits 


diceulx. Cars. 

Item ung lit de camp avecques pommes dor et girou- 
ettes dessus. 
LaRoyneen Item une dossiel, ciel et contepoincte de drap dor 
estservie. guf yert & argent sur p0 urpre mispartez [mespartir = to 
este veu S es 3 en t divide in equal pieces. John Palsgrave's French Grammar] 
dite chambre. frange de SO y e de pourpre et cinq Eideaulx de damas 

Alaseconde Item ung autre lit de camp paint dor girouettes et 

chambre de la ,1 _ 

Royne. pommes dor. 

Item ung dossiel, ung ciel une cottepomcte dor coite 

& taille dor mespartez de frange de soie verte et dor 

avecques cinq Eideaulx de vert et damas cramoisy. 

A la chambre Item une custode et cotepoincte de drap dor coite 

de la Royne. r stu f e ^ w {th feathers and quilted] & velours cramoisy 

Lesditeschoses L" JJ * _ * r -, 

ont este veues emborde de Eouses [roses] & porcsespics [porcupines] 

comme dessus. ^ ^^ frange de gQye yerte et dor & ung Rideau de 

taffetas changeant. 

Item ung grand Lit destat contenant dossiel ciel cote- 
poincte de velours bleu emborde de Eouses Eouges franges 
de soie bleu & fil dor. 
Grande Tapis- Item sept grans pieces de tapisserie de drap dor 
seriepour mespartez a frange de cramoisy & blanc & bordeures 
six de dits de velours cramoisy emborde avecques armes congnois- 
SSSbS n de a to sances et devises dont deux pieces sont de sept mesparties 
Royne eiies y deux & e s [ x me sparties et troys de cinq. 
SeptdlditTs 8 ' Item huit autres tapisseries de drap dor mespartez de 
pieces sont velours cramoisy emborde de porcsespics & Eoses couron- 
chambreTdeianees avec bordeures de velours bleu emborde de fleurs 
Les'p^cTont de lis et armes dont deux pieces sont de huict mesparties 

este veues en la ^ eux fa ge pt e t quatre de six. 

Item six pieces de tappisserie riches daras [d' Arras]. 



a la chambre 
de la Royne 
il a este veu 
en la dite 


a la chambre 
de la Royne 
elles y ont este 

a la chambre 
de la Royne. 

Coussins et 

Les deux longs 
a la chambre 
de la Royne. 
lis ont este 
veue en la dite 
& Couvertures 

II y en a sept 
en la chambre 
de la Royne. 
On les a veus. 

En a chambre 
de la Royne 
quatre. On a 
veu les dite 
quatre en la 
chambre de 
la Royne. 

Litz de duvet 
le lit est dans 
la chambre de 
la Royne et le 
traversin est en 
la dite chambre 
Orielliers et 

Item sept pieces de tappisserie contenantes histoire de 

Item Treze pieces de tapicerie a figures de bergeres et 

Item ung drap de tissu sur pourpre & cramoisy mespartez 
en troys. 

Item ung autre de drap dor sur blanc & cramoisy 
mespartez de troys. 

Item ung grand Eideau de taffetas cramoisy de huyt 

Item une chaire de drap dor tissue sur pourpre. 

Item une autre de drap dor sur blanc et frange de fil 
dor et de soye verte. 

Item une autre chaire de drap dor sur cramoisy frange 
de fil dor et de soye cramoisy. 

Item quatre coussins de drap dor tissue. 

Item quatre de drap dor sur blanc deux longs et deux 

Item quatre coussins de velours, deux longs et deux 

Item xxij paires de linceaulx [sheets] de deux pieces et 
demye toille a troys verges dAngleterre de long. 

Item xxvj paires de lincaulx de troys toilles a troys 
verges et troys quartiers de long. 

Item sept paires de troys toilles a quatre aulnes de long. 

Item neuf paires de troys toilles. 

Item deux paires de quatre toilles. 

Item xxx couvertures doreiliers. 

Item une lit de duvet avecques le traversin et la coit 
[quilt] fustaine. 

Item deux couvertures de fustain pour le dit lit 
traversin en longueur deux aulnes et trois quartiers 
deux aulnes et demy de largeur. 


Item ung autre lit de duvet de huyt cartiers avecques 
une coyty de bresel [red stuff] & traversin. 

Item ung autre lit de duvet de huyt cartiers avecques 
une coity de bresel & traversin. 
Deux en la Item xxvi oreilliers de duvet couvers de fustayne. 

chambre de la 
Koyne. lis 
ont este veus. 

Litz deplumes. Item ung grant lit destat de douze quartiers avecques 

ung coity de bresel. 
SSmbre de la I tem q uatre l ltz de dix quartiers coitez de bresel & 
Royne qui ont traversins. 

este veus. _ .., , . ,. . 

Item quatres autres litz de huyt quartiers coitez de 
gaud [yellow stuff] & traversins. 

Item deux litz de xij cartiers coitez de bresel & 
Mateiiatz Item deux matellatz delayne couvert de bougran bleu 

de ia Royn"e re [buckram, hut finer than the modern stuff]. 

ont este veus. 

Manteauix Item deux manteaulx lung de cramoisy lautre de 



Frese, lun en Item deux frises lun de cramoisy lautre de bleu. 

de la Royne Item une couverture de lit de scarlate et de bleu de 

dans S L a dite eS dix au l nes et demy de longueur et largeur de deux lez. 

chambre. [nearly.] 

Fustaines. Item onze paires de quatre litz. 

en la chambre 

de la Royne 

troys, veus en 

la dite , 

chambre. Item une paire de cinq litz. 

Cotepoinctes. Item quatre cotepoinctes de bordure de xx aulnes 

flamandes piece. 

Item deux autres de bordure de xx aulnes flamandes 

chambre de la * tem ^ eux P* eces de bordures 3nes de xxv aulnes 

Royne : elles flamandes. 

Item ung autre piece de bordure de xl aulnes 

Ung autre piece de bordure de [ ] flamandes. 

Item deux pieces de bordure de xxx aulnes flamandes. 

y ont este 


Deux grans tapiz veluz de longueur de huict aulnes 
on environ et de largeur iij quartiers ii aulnes (sic). 
Tapiz Veluz. "(Jng autre tapiz de quatre aulnes ou environ a roues. 

Item ung autre de sept aulnes en longueur et de 
largeur ii aulnes et 1 quartier. 

Ung autre de quatre aulnes et demye en longueur et 
deux en largeur. 

Ung autre de troye aulnes et trois quartiers en 
lougueur et ij aulnes & ung quartier en largeur. 

Ung autre de quatre aulnes en longueur et ung 
quartier, & deux en largeur et un quartier. 

Ung autre de quatre aulnes en lougueur et deux aulnes 
en largeur. 

Ung autre de troys aulnes et troys quartiers en 
longueur et une aulne troys quartiers en largeur. 

Ung autre cinq aulnes & ung quartier en longueur et 
ij aulnes & 1 quartier en largeur. 

Ung autre deux aulnes troys quartiers en longueur et 
une aulne et demye de largeur. 

Item xxij pety tapiz dune mesure de deux aulnes de 
longueur et une aulne & demye de largeur. 
eniachambre Somme de tapiz xxxiii grans et petys cestassavoir 

de la Royne r , . , * ^ ■ . 

doit avoir huit [c est a savoir] onze tant grans que moyens et xxij 

tant grans que „„{„„ 
moyens et cinq F cl v °' 
petys qui ont 

Cordes. Item xx Liure de corde Ronde et plate. 

Canevatz. Item Canevatz pour metre dedans les charriotz de la 

Royne qui sont quatre de cinq aulnes de long et quatre 
lezes de largeur. 

Item huyt estuytz de canevatz pour metre les litz de 
la Royne et a chacune dix aulnes. 
Crochetz pour Item ung mile grans crochetz & quatre mil de pety. 
tapisseries. Item deux marteaulx. 

Item deux grans canevatz pour envelopper toute la 
tappiserie en la garde robbe. 

Item troys grans estuytz de cuyr pour metre lesz 

Item quatre grans cuirs pour couvrir charriotz. 


Item deux autres grans estuytz de cuirs pour metre 

Item troys estuytz pour chaires. 

Item deux grans coffres. 

Fait et signe en la ville dabbeville par moi maistre 
de la grant garde Kobe cy dessus nomme le xiij jour 
doctobre Ian mil iiiij cens quatorze. 

Signd, Andrew de Wyndesore. 

(b) Inventaire des acoustremens de drap dor velour 
Cramoisy et autres Draps aportez dAngleterre a la venue de 
la Eoyne pour le service de la dite Dame tant a sa lictiere 
chevaulx de portement aubins et hacqunees Couvertures 
de chariotz et accoustremens de chevaulx qui servent [?] 
a les mener ainsi quil sensuit et premierement 

Le drap et acoutrement du cheval de portement fait a 
broderie dun drap dor tres riche. 


Plus xii selles de drap dor faictes a broderie pour 
servire a xii aubins avec tous harnois completz de 
semblable drap et pareur [parure]. 

Item xii autres selles semblablement de drap dor pour 
servire comme desous avec douze harnois completz de 
semblable drap et pareur. 

Item plus une xii e autres selles de velours cramoisy 
pour servire comme les precedents avec les harnois 
completz de semblable drap et pareur. 

Chariotz et Lictiere. 

Une belle lictiere couverte de drap dor a fleurs de lis 
de broderie que deux grans chevaulx portent acoustrez 
tant de selles que harnois y servant tout completz cou- 
vert de semblable drap et dedans la lictiere y a quatre 
grans carreaulx couvert de pareil drap dor et sur le 
dehors est icelle lictiere couverte dung drap descarlate 


Plus ung beau chariot branlant couvert de drap dor 
frize a frange dor tout le tour du dit chariot et dedans 
quatre grans carreaulx couverte de mesme drap et y a 
une couverte descarlate pour metre sur le dehors du dit 

Pour mener lequel chariot y a lacoustrement complet 
de six chevaulx dont les troys ont selles. Le tout couvert 
de semblable drap dor et pareur. 

Item y a ung autre beau chariot couvert de drap dor a 
fleurs de litz de broderie frange de franges dor tout le 
tour et dedans y a quatre carreaulx couvers de semblable 
drap avec une couverture descarlate pour le dehors comme 
au precedant. 

Pour mener lequel chariot y sont autres six acoustre- 
mens de chevaulx dont le trois ont pareillement selles le 
tout couvert de semblable drap et pareur. 

Item plus y a ung autre chariot couvert de velours 
camoisy frange tout le tour de frange dor et dedans 
quatre carreaulx de semblable velours cramoisy couvert. 
il n'y a pour le dehor qune toille ciree pour le couvrir. 

Pour conduire lequel chariot y a lacoustrement de six 
autres chevaulx tout complet dont les trois ont selles 
tous couvers du mesme velours cramoisy et semblable 

Fait a Abbeville le douziesme jour doctobre Ian mil 
cinq cens quatorze. 

SignS, Filleul. 


Plus y a dix sept hacquenees pour le service de la dite 
dame toutes couvertes de couvertures dont les quinze sont 
toutes blanches et deux de gris plus [?] salle [?] les quelles 
ont este amenee dAngleterre. 

Item y a ung sommier de pareil poil que lescuier de la 
dite dame dit estre pour porter quelques acoustremens 
pour laffaires de lescuirie. 

Item plus y a dix huit jeunes chevaulx que grans que 
petiz pour servir a mener les trois chariotz branlans. 


Item six autres jeunes chevaulx qui sont ordonnez a 
mener le chariot couvert de la garde Eobbe de la dite 

Item plus en y a treize qui sont pour servir a deux 
autres chariotz de garnisons et offices tant a la tapisserie 
que ailleurs ou on les voudra employer tous lesquelz 
chevaulx ne sont fort bien enharnachez pour le present 
et en deffault quelques pieces. 

Item plus y a deux grans beaulx et jeunes chevaulx 
qui sont ordonnez a porter la lictiere dicelle dame. 

Fait comme dessous a Abbeville le xij jour doctobre 
Ian cinq cens et quatorze. 

SignS, Filleul. 

ii. Two documents in English. Letters & Papers 
Henry viii., vol. i., No. 5491. — 

a. List of the gownes devised for the Princess Mary 
being the same in English as already given in the more 
complete French document. At the end comes tho 
following in a fragmentary fashion. 

Jaketts for her fotemen. 
Furst iij Jaketts of white cloth of golde guilted with 
scales and crymosyn velvet paled with cloth of golde te 
be Inbrodred with a porcapin and a Kose. 

Jaketts for the secounde sorte. 
Item iij Jaketts of Tawny cloth of golde of damaske 
& blew velvet to be Inbrodred with the fleurs de lyee 
& a Kose. 

Jaketts for the iij sorte. 
Item iij Jaketts of grene velvet to be Inbrodred with 
Roses of a colour and the sun. 

For the closet. 
A gown of crymesyn cloth of golde of Damaske with a 
border of black velvet Inbrodred to be made a Vestment 


& the border of the same to serve to the same Vestment 
takyng certayn lettres owt of the same. 

Item a riche awtar (altar) cloth of crymesyn and 
purpull cloth of goolde tissuwe. 

Item a nother awtar cloth of cloth of bawdekyne. 

Item a nother of crymesyn and bleue velvet. 

Item cusshons of white cloth of golde of damaske. 

Item a cusshon of bleue velvet with fleurs of golde 
wrought in one. 

Yet for the closet. 

Item a remanent of crymesyn cloth of golde of tissewe 
to make a cushon & ij corpvs cases. 

b. Endorsed, Amadas bill. [Robert Amadas was the 
King's goldsmith.] Headed. Parcells dellyveryd unto 
the Frenche quenys us as followth. 

[omiting weights, prices & moneys paid for making.] 

Item a grete seall of sylver gravyn with the devices of 
England and the devices of Fraunce. 

Item a nother seall of provune golde. 

Item for a devyce of provune gollde with iiij Eoses. 

Item a nother device of provune gollde with perills & 

Item a Braselet of provune gollde with perylls. 

Item a nother Braselet of provune gollde with Eubys 
and Rosis. 

Item for Settynge of ix Eubys in provune gollde. 

Item an M of provune gollde with a grette Ballas & a 

Item 1. Bedstonys [Beadstones] of fyne gollde enamellyd 
with Blake. 

Item 1. paire of augulletts of provune gollde. 

Item the v. oz. wayght of provune gollde that was put 
to the Frensch quenis Bawdrike. 

Item for iij chaynnis of fyne gollde. 

Item Dellyveryd in fyne gollde for the garnyshynge of 
the French quenes frontylletts. 


Item Dellyveryd more in fyne gollde for frontylletts. 

Item Dellyveryd in Sylver for the gamy shy nge of iiij 
Carvynge Knyvys. 

Item for makynge & gylldynge of the every [knife]. 

Item payd to the Butler for gravynge of the sayd 
knyvis & gylldyng of the bladys. 

Item for makyng of a Case to the Kyngs collar of the 

Item for New of a gyllte potte to a mache [match] that 
master Cumton [Gomjoton] hathe in hys ckepynge [sic] 
wayning more then the olid potte be ii. oz. 

Item Dellyveryd to Harre holltesweler [Henry Holtes- 
weller, the King's Flemish goldsmith] for a device or a 
Bawdryke iiij Kossys sette with Dyamonds, Eubys and 
perylls & v Evbys sette in colletts (?) iij of Them with 
pances and ij with owte and ix perylls mouche of a sette 
for the same. 

Item Dellyveryd to hym a dobyll sett with a fayre 
poyntted Dyamonde and a fayre large tabulle Balles with 
a fayre large peryll. 

Item Dellyveryd to hym a brassellet to a mend. 

Item Dellyveryd to hym ij treangle dyamonds, a tabulle 
dyamonde and a dyamonde callyd a a dak [?] and a fayre 
Eounde peryll and iiij table dyamonds and a fayre lozenged 
dyamonde takyn owte of the Crosse. And ix fayre perylls 
of the bawdryke to make a device for her neyke as is 

Item perylls & vi Eubys all oryentt takyn owte of the 
M and xii perylls takyn owte of the K to sette in a bras- 
selett. And vi Eossys of Eubys and viiij smalle perylls 
for a nother Brasselet that were in a smalle casket of 
Spaynyshe worke. 

Item Dellyveryd to him ix fayre Eubys sett in colletts 
to Sett in propyr flowers. 

Item Dellyveryd to him in brokyn gollde of the 
Bawdrykys and other pecys of chens, casketts (?) and 
other smalle pecys of brokyn gollde. 


Abbeville, 103, 112, 116 
Abingdon, 232 

Albany, Duke of, 105, 113, 205, 221 
Angouleme, Claude Duchess of (see 

Claude of France) 
Angouleme, Francis Duke of (see 

Francis I. of France) 
Anne of Brittany, Queen of France, 

41, 73, 107 
Arthur, Prince of Wales, 9, 12, 13 


Badoer, Andreas, Venetian ambas- 
sador, 97, 99 

Bannister, Sir Humphrey, 223 

Barking, Manor of, 214, 215, 216 

Barnes, Jean, 110, 128 

Berghes, Count de, 19-21, 37, 46, 60, 66 

Blount, Bessie, 74, 234, 245 

Bohier, Thomas, General of Nor- 
mandy, 94, 96, 103, 104 

Boleyn, Anne, 110, 128, 231, 245, 249 

Lady, 231 

Sir Thomas, 37 

Boulogne, 50, 111, 130 

Brandon, Anne, 70, 83, 220 

Charles, 12, 100 

Lord Lisle, 49, 59, 63, 64 

Courts Margaret of Savoy, 

61-71, 77-90 

Duke of Suffolk, 76, 88, 96, 

126, 130-144, 153, 156, 158, 168, 187, 
189, 206, 208, 219, 222, 223, 224, 
232, 234, 242, 243, 248, 249 

Debts, 222, 226, 230, 231 

Letters from, 161, 162, 164, 

167, 181, 187, 190, 197, 198, 200, 
210, 226, 228, 233, 236, 248 

Letters to, 168, 184, 191 

Lady Eleanor, 237, 251 

Lady Frances, 231, 251 

Lord Henry, 223 

, Earl of Lincoln, 245, 251 

Bregilles, Philippe de, 65, 78, 82, 83 
Bresse, Governor of, 19, 37 
Bridget of York, Lady, 4, 11 
Brown, John, King's painter, 238 
Browne, Anne, 12, 100, 101, 245 
Brussels, 84, 90 
Buckingham, Duke of, 99, 242 
Bury St Edmunds, 251 

Calais, 48, 50, 51, 87, 214 
Cambrai, League of, 17 
Camp at Therouenne, 53-55 
Carew, Anne, 74, 234 

Sir Nicholas, 74, 235 

Carroz, Luis, Spanish Ambassador in 

England, 28, 43 
Catherine, Princess, 14 
Cavalcanti, bankers, 103, 222 
Charles of Castile, 14, 16, 18, 41, 62, 

69, 85, 86, 89, 90, 91, 96, 151, 174 

Letter from, 21 

— Emperor of Germany, 235, 

237, 241, 249, 250 
Chievres, Count, 77, 78, 81, 89, 174 
Claude of France — 

Duchess of Angouleme, 107, 117 
Queen of France, 190, 240, 241 
Clugny Palace, 148, 171, 208 
Compton, Sir William, 150, 224 
Courtney, Lady Katharine Countess 

of Devon, 4, 11, 224 
Crowmer, Anne, 8 

Dacres, Lord, 223 
Denton, Dr, 110, 128,246 

Elizabeth, 8 

Donyngton Manor, 224, 225 

Dorset, Marquis of, 119, 139, 141, 143 

Du Wys, Giles, 24 

Dunkirk, 48 

Durham House, Strand, 234 




Edmund, Prince, 8 

Elizabeth of York, Queen of England, 

4-6, 10, 13 
Eltham Palace, 4, 8, 11, 153, 192 

Erasmus, 4 

Fbnbs, Mary, 110, 128 

Ferdinand, King of Aragon, 15, 17 ; 

chapter ii. passim ; 79 

of Austria, 34, 79 

Field of Cloth of Gold, 238-241 

Flodden, 63 

Fox, Bishop of Winchester, 49, 50, 66, 

69, 96 
Francis I. of France — 

Duke of Angouleme, 50, 105, 107, 
112-118, 127-128, 129, 132, 140, 
King, chapter viii. passim ; 231, 

240, 241, 246, 249 
Frescobaldi, bankers, 40, 222 


Gordon, Lady Katharine, 1 1 
Greenwich, 11, 97, 184, 215, 230 
Grey, Lady Anne, 228 

Lady Elizabeth, 110, 128, 231 

Lady Jane, 11 

Gueldres, Duke of, 31, 32, 33, 35, 38, 

Guiche, Peter de la, 165, 180 
Guienne, 37, 39, 47 
Guildford, Sir Harry, 62, 234 

Lady Joan, 11, 74, 110, 122-127, 


Guingate, 57, 59, 60 


Henry VII. of England, 6-8 ; chapter 
i. passim 

VIII. , 4 ; chapter ii. passim ; 50 ; 

chapter iii. passim ; 94, 98, 99, 183, 
194, 203, 224, 232, 234, 240, 241 

Duke of York, 8, 13, 14 

Letters to, 122, 151, 161, 162, 

164, 165, 167, 181, 189, 197, 198, 
200, 210, 211, 224, 226 

Holy League, the, 43 

Howard, Lord, Admiral, 49 
Admiral, 44 

Ipswich College, 248 
Isabeau, Archduchess of Austria, 

James IV. of Scotland, 12, 13, 32 

Jerningham, Mistress, 110, 227 

Joanna of Castile, 15, 17, 26 
Jousts — 

At Tournay, 69 
At Lille, 70 
At Paris, 139-143 
At Greenwich, 230 
At Guisnes : Field of Cloth o 
Gold, 239-240 
Julius II., 29, 30, 32 

Katharine of Aragon, 8, 12, 14, 15, 
25, 63, 64, 94, 98, 222, 225, 228, 
230, 231, 235, 238, 240, 241, 249, 

Langley, Father, 150, 194, 195 

Leo X., 93 

Letheringham Castle, 226 

Ligny, Count, 43, 44, 87 

Likerke, Mdlle. de, 73, 85, 86 

Lille, 60, 61, 63, 64, 69 

Lisle, Lady, 82, 84 

London, 30, 41, 49, 96, 97, 180, 206, 

Longueville, Duke de, 57, 89 ; chapter 

v. passim ; 129, 155 

Letters from, 103, 104 

Louis XII. of France, chapter ii. 

passim ; 106-7 ; chapter v. passim ; 

120, 122, 131, 145, 146 

Letter from, 104 

Letters to, 105-6, 125 

Louise de Savoie, 14, 108, 133, 190, 

204, 222, 235, 246 




! Malines, 31, 42, 43, 66, 87 

j Margaret, Countess of Richmond, 5, 

6, 74 
I Margaret Tudor, Queen of Scots, 3, 

13, 76, 95, 225 
fe Marigny, 102, 112 
i Marriages — 

Arthur of Wales to Katharine of 

Aragon, 12 
Brandon, Charles, to Anne 
Browne, 100 

to Lady Mortimer, 100 

to Lady Lisle, 82 

to Margaret of Savoy, 

67, 76-88 

to Mary Tudor, Queen 

of France, 159, 168, 186-199, 
204, 215 
Henry VII. to Margaret of Savoy, 
16, 17. 

to Joanna of Castile, 17 

Henry VIII. to Katharine of 

Aragon, 25 
Margaret Tudor to James IV., 13 
Margaret of Savoy to Brandon, 

67, 76-88 
Mary Tudor to Charles of Castile, 
14, 16, 18, 60 ; chapter iv. passim 

to Louis XII., chapter 

v. passim 

to the Duke of Savoy, 

151, 152 

to the Duke of Lorraine, 

151, 160 

to Charles Brandon, 

159, 168, 186-199, 204, 205 
Mary Tudor, daughter of Henry VII. , 
2, 3, 9, 10, 12, 15, 16, 18, 19-22, 24, 
60, 72, 73-76, 85, 89, 96, 100, 102-103, 
109-110, 112; chapter y.passim; 134, 
135, 144, 148, 151, 160, 168, 171, 174, 
180, 183, 204, 215, 223, 230, 232, 234, 
235, 237, 238, 240, 241, 245, 250, 251 

Dowry, 23, 96 ; chapter ix. 

passim ; chapter x. passim ; 226, 
230, 231, 243, 245, 246, 247 

Illnesses, 76, 233, 235, 250 

Ladies, 109-110, 128 

Letters from, 104-105, 105- 

106, 122-123, 151, 154, 162, 165, 
188, 195, 196, 200, 211, 224, 247 

Letters to, 103, 104, 149 

Trousseaux, 76, 102-103 

Mary Tudor, daughter of Henry VIII. , 
223, 224, 231, 233, 235 

Maximilian of Austria, the Emperor, 

16 ; chapter ii. passim ; 52, 55-65, 

91, 174 
Memo, Dionysius, 230, 232 
Mirror of Naples, the, 109, 188, 190, 

203, 207, 209, 220 
Mortimer, Lady Margaret, 100, 244, 

Mountjoy, Lord, 4, 49, 177 


Nassau, Count, 78, 81 
Norfolk, Duke of, 96, 110, 119, 123, 
130, 150, 242, 248, 249 

Pace, Sir Richard, 232 

Padua, 28, 29 

Palgrave, John, 24, 110, 138 

Paris, Jehan de, 101 

Paris, 25, 30, 60, 94, 105, 129, 135-138, 

139, 145, 158, 189, 246 
Pavia, 246 

Philip of Burgundy, 14, 15, 17, 26, 89 
Piennes, Sieur de, 50, 53 
Pole, Edmund de la, 35 

Richard de la, 35 

Ponynges, Sir Edward, 34, 37, 39 
Popenruyter, Hans, 31 
Popincourt, Jane, 10, 18, 74, 110 
Prejan, the French admiral, 44, 87 

Quintana, Pedro de, 79 


Ravenstein, Lord, 61, 62 
Ren^e of France, 34, 41, 107 
Richmond, 11, 18, 19 

Duke of, 74, 245 

Robertet, Treasurer of France, 105, 

108, 120 
Ross Herald, 56 

San Severino, G. de, 113, 118 
Sandwich, 48, 50 



Saragossa, Archbishop of, 33 

Savoy, Margaret Duchess of, 16, 17 ; 
chapter ii. passim ; 29, 31, 61-71, 
72, 76, 77-90, 93, 173, 174, 219, 241 

Selva, John de, President of Nor- 
mandy, 98, 180 

Shrewsbury, Earl of, 48, 58, 59, 226, 

Sidney, Sir William, 70, 82, 204, 211, 
215, 217, 218 

Skeron, Anne, 2 

Southampton, 48 

Southwark, the Duke of Suffolk's 
house at, 235, 244 

Spinelly, Thomas, 84, 173 

Stile, John, 26, 30, 41, 42 

Stuart, Queen Mary, 11 

Talbot, Sir Gilbert, 40 
Therouenne, 50, 53, 56, 58, 65, 95 
Tournay, 62, 64, 69, 83, 94, 155, 174- 

199 passim 
Tournelles, H6tel des, 105, 137, 139, 

Treaties — 

Cambrai, 18 

London, 96, 97, 180, 206 

Spanish, 12 

Tournay, 70 

Venetian Ambassador, 77, 97, 117, 

Venetians, the, chapter ii. passim 
Verney, Sir Rauf , 11, 96 


Wanstead Manor, 96 

Wardrobe, the Great, 9 

West, Dr Nicholas, 153, 208, 209 

Westhorpe, 244, 251 

Windsor Castle, 11, 15 

Wingfield, Sir Humphrey, 232, 245 

Sir Richard, 85-88, 153, 220 

Sir Robert, 32, 43, 44, 45, 46, 4 1 ; 

Wolsey, Thomas, King's Almoner, 

Bishop of Lincoln, Archbishop of 

York, Cardinal, 40, 49, 60, 66, 69, 

89, 94, 96, 99, 149, 164, 222, 224, 

248, 249 
Letters from, 125, 168, 185, 

Letters to, 104, 123, 154, 162, 

182, 187, 190, 196, 228, 233, 236, 

247, 248 
Woodstock Manor, 232 
Worcester, the Earl of, 96, 105, 127 
Letter from, 108 

TrntfBtrrx and spears, printers Edinburgh. 









General Literature . i 


Little Library ; . ". 


Ancient Cities. 


Little Quarto Shakespeare 


Antiquary's Books. 


Miniature Library 


Arden Shakespeare 


New Library of Medicine 


Classics of Art 


New Library of Music 


"Complete" Series 


Oxford Biographies 


Connoisseur's Library . 


Romantic History 


Handbooks of English Chur 


Handbooks of Theology 


History , . . 


Westminster Commentaries 


Illustrated Pocket Library c 


Plain and Coloured Book: 

» 17 

Leaders of Religion 


Library of Devotion 


Fiction . . . . ; 


Little Books on Art 


Books for Boys and Girls . 


Little Galleries . . . 


Novels of Alexandre Dumas 


Little Guides . 


Methuen's Sixpenny Books. 


MAY 191 t 




In this Catalogue the order is according to authors. An asterisk denotes 
that the book is in the press. -.-' . 

Colonial Editions are published of all Messrs. Methuen s Novels issued 
at a price above 2s. 6d., and similar editions are published of some works of 
General Literature. Colonial editions are only for circulation in the British 
Colonies and India. 

All books marked net are not subject to discount, and cannot be bought 
at less than the published price. Books not marked net are subject to the 
discount which the bookseller allows. 

Messrs. Methukn's baoks are kept in stock by all good booksellers. If 
there is any difficulty in seeing copies, Messrs. Methuen will be very glad to 
have early information, and specimen copies of any books will be sent on 
receipt of the published price plus postage for net books, and of the published 
price for ordinary books. 

This Catalogue contains only a selection of the more important books 
published by Messrs. Methuen. A complete and illustrated catalogue of their 
publications may be obtained on application. 

Addleshaw (Perey). SIR PHILIP 

SIDNEY. Illustrated. Second Edition. 
Demy Zvo. ios. 6d. net. 

Adenev (W. F.). M.A. See Bennett 

Ady (Cecilia M.). A 


trated. Demy Zvo. ios. 6d. net. 

Aldis (Janet). THE QUEEN OF 
LETTER WRITERS, Marquise de 
Sevigne, Dame de Bourbilly, 1626-96. 
Illustrated. Second Edition. Demy Zvo. 
12s. 6d. net. 

Illustrated. Demy Zvo. 12s. 6d. net. 

Amherst (Lady). 

SENT DAY. Illustrated. A New and 
Cheaper Issue. Demy Zvo. js. 6d. tut. 

Andpewes (Amy G.) THE STORY OF 
BAYARD. Edited b\ 

Cr. Zvo. %s. 6d. 

jy A. G. Andrewes, 

Andpewes (Bishop). PRECES PRI- 
VATAE. Translated and edited, with 
Notes, by F. E. Brightman, M.A., of 
Pusey House, Oxford. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

BLEMS BOOK. Prose and Verse. Com- 
piled from The Saturday Westminster 
Gazette Competitions, 1904-1907. Cr. Zvo. 
3$. 6d. net. 

trated. Round corners. Fcap.Zvo. 

Aplstotle. THE ETHICS OF. Edited, 
with an Introduction and Notes, by John 
Burnet, M.A. Cheaper issue. Demy Zvo. 
ios. 6d. net. 

Atkinson (C. T.), M.A., Fellow of Exeter 
College, Oxford, sometime Demy of Mag- 
dalen College. A HISTORY OF GER- 
MANY, from 1715-1815. Illustrated. Demy 
Zvo. 12s. 6d. net. 

Atkinson (T. D.). ENGLISH ARCHI- 
TECTURE. Illustrated. Fcap.Zvo. 3s. 6d 

trated. Second Edition. Fcap. Zvo. 3s. 6d. 

Atteridge (A. H.). NAPOLEON'S 
BROTHERS. Illustrated. Demy Zvo. 
iZs. net. 

Aves (Ernest). CO-OPERATIVE IN- 
DUSTRY. Cr. Zvo. 5s. net. 

Bagot (Richapd). THE LAKES OF 
NORTHERN ITALY. Illustrated. Fcap. 
Zvo. is. net. 

General Literature 

Bain (R. Nisbet), THE LAST KING 
PORARIES. Illustrated. Demy Zvo. 
ios. 6d. net. 

Balfour (Graham). THE LIFE OF 
trated. Fifth Edition in one Volume. 
Cr. Zvo. Buckram, 6s. 

Baring (The Hon. Maurice). RUSSIAN 
Cr. 8vo. s*. net. 

RATURE. Second Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Baring-Gould (S.). THE LIFE OF 
Second Edition. Wide Royal Zvo. ios. 6d. 

A Study of the Characters of the 
Gesars of the Julian and Claudian 
Houses. Illustrated. Seventh Edition. 
Royal Zvo. ios. 6d. net. 

A BOOK OF FAIRY TALES. Illustrated. 
Second Edition. Cr. Zvo. Buckram. 6s. 
Also Medium 8vo. 6d. 

trated. Third Edition. Cr. 8vo. Buck- 
ram. 6s. 

vised Edition. With a Portrait. Third 
Edition. Cr. 8vo. -*,s. 6d. 

OLD COUNTRY LIFE. Illustrated. Fifth 
Edition. Large Cr. 8vo. 6s. 

English Folk Songs with their Traditional 
Melodies. Collected and arranged by S. 
Baring-Gould and H. F. Sheppard. 
Demy +to. 6s. 

SONGS OF THE WEST: Folk Songs of 
Devon and Cornwall. Collected from the 
Mouths of the People. By S. Baring-Gould, 
M.A., and H. Fleetwood Sheppard, M.A. 
New and Revised Edition, under the musical 
editorship of Cecil J. Sharp. Large Im- 
perial Zvo. $s. net. 

in the History op Man. Illustrated. 
Third Edition. Cr.8vo. 

and Strange Events. Fifth Edition. 
Cr. 8vo. 2S. 6d. net. 

A BOOK OF CORNWALL. Illustrated. 
Second Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 

A BOOK OF DARTMOOR. Illustrated. 
Second Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 

A BOOK OF DEVON. Illustrated. Third 
Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 

trated. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 

trated. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 

A BOOK OF BRITTANY. Illustrated. 
Second Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

to Mainz. Illustrated. Second Edition. 
Cr. 8vo. 6s. 

trated. Second Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 

trated. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Barker (E.), M.A., (Late) Fellow of Merton 
College, Oxford. THE POLITICAL 
TOTLE. Demy 8vo. ios. 6d. net. 

Baron (R. R. N.), M.A. FRENCH PROSE 
COMPOSITION. Fourth Edition. Cr. 
Zvo. 7.S. 6d. Key, 3s. net. 

Bartholomew (J. G.), F.R.S.E. See 
Robertson (C. G.). 

Bastable (C. F.), LL.D. THE COM- 
MERCE OF NATIONS. Fifth Edition. 
Cr. Zvo. 2J. id. 

Bastian (H. Charlton), M.A., M.D..F.R.S. 

trated. Demy Zvo. 7s. 6d. net. 

Batson (Mrs. Stephen). A CONCISE 


Fcap. 8vo. 3*. 6d. net. 

PLEASURE. Illustrated. Wide Demy 

Zvo. 15*. net. 

Beckett (Arthur). THE SPIRIT OF 

THE DOWNS: Impressions and Remi- 
niscences of the Sussex Downs. Illustrated. 
Second Edition. Demy Zvo. xos. 6d. net. 

Beckford (Peter). THOUGHTS ON 
HUNTING. Edited by J. Otho Paget. 
Illustrated. Second Edition. Demy Zvo. 6s. 

Begbie (Harold). MASTER WORKERS. 

Illustrated. Demy 8vo. 7s. 6d. net. 

Behmen (Jacob). DIALOGUES ON THE 
Bernard Holland. Fcap. Zvo. 3s. 6d. 

Bell (Mrs. Arthur G.). THE SKIRTS 
OF THE GREAT CITY. .Illustrated. 
Second Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Belloc (H.), M.P. PARIS. Illustrated. 
Second Edition, Revised. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

HILLS AND THE SEA. Third Edition. 
Fcap. Zvo. ss. 

JECTS. Third Edition. Fcap. Zvo. 5s. 

ON EVERYTHING. Second Edition. Fcap. 
Zvo. 5s. 

Third Edition. Demy 8vo. 15s. net. 

THE PYRENEES. Illustrated. Second 
Edition. Demy 8vo. 7*. 6d. net. 

Bellot (H. H. L.), M.A. See Jones (L A. A). 

Methuen and Company Limited 

Bennett (Joseph). FORTY YEARS OF 

MUSIC, 1865-1905. Illustrated. Demy Svo. 
16s. net. 

Bennett (W. H.), M.A. A PRIMER OF 
THE BIBLE. Fifth Edition. Cr. Svo. 
2s. 6d. 

Bennett (W. H.) and Adeney, (W. F.). A 
concise Bibliography. Sixth Edition. Cr. 
Svo. js. 6d. 

Benson (Archbishop). GOD'S BOARD. 
Communion Addresses. Second Edition. 
Fcap. Svo. 3 s. td. net. 

Benson (R. M.). THE WAY OF HOLI- 
NESS. An Exposition of Psalm cxix. 
Analytical and Devotional. Cr. Svo. $s. 

*Bensusan (Samuel L.). HOME LIFE 
IN SPAIN. Illustrated. Demy Svo. 
iox. 6d. net. 

Berry (W. Grinton), M.A. FRANCE 
SINCE WATERLOO. Illustrated. Cr. 
Svo. 6s. 

Betham-Edwards (Miss). HOME LIFE 
IN FRANCE. Illustrated. Fifth Edition. 
Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Bindley (T. Herbert), B.D. THE OECU- 
FAITH. With Introductions and Notes. 
Second Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. net. 

Binyon (Laurence). See Blake (William). 

Blake (William). ILLUSTRATIONS OF 
THE BOOK OF JOB. With General In- 
troduction by Laurence Binyon. Illus- 
trated. Quarto. 21s. net. 

Body (George), D.D. THE SOUL'S 
PILGRIMAGE : Devotional Readings from 
the Published and Unpublished writings of 
George Body, D.D. Selected and arranged 
by J. H. Burn, D.D., F.R.S.K Demy 
\6mo. 2s. 6d. 

Boulting (W.). TASSO AND HIS TIMES. 
Illustrated. Demy Svo. 10s. 6d. net. 

Bovill (W. B. Forster). HUNGARY 
Demy Svo. 7s. 6d. net. 

BUDDHA: Being Quotations from 
Buddhist Literature for each Day in the 
Year. Sixth Edition. Cr. i6mo. 2s. 6d. 

Brabant (F. G.), M.A. RAMBLES IN 
SUSSEX. Illustrated. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Bradley (A. G.). ROUND ABOUT WILT- 
SHIRE. Illustrated. Second Edition. Cr. 
Svo. 6s. 

LAND. Illustrated. Second Edition. Demy 
Svo. 7s. 6d. net. 

Braid (James), Open Champion, 1901, 1905 
and 1906. ADVANCED GOLF. Illustrated. 
Sixth Edition. Demy Svo. 10s. 6d. net. 

Braid (James) and Others. GREAT 
by Henry Leach. Illustrated. Second 
Edition. Demy Svo. 7s. 6d. net. 

Brailsford (H. N.). MACEDONIA : Its 
Races and their Future. Illustrated. 
Demy Svo. 12s. 6d. net. 

Brodrick (Mary) and Morton (A. Ander- 
book for Students and Travellers. Illus- 
trated. Cr. Svo. 3J. 6d. 

Brown (J. Wood), M.A. THE BUILDERS 
OF FLORENCE. Illustrated. Demy ±to. 
iSs. net. 

Browning (Robert). PARACELSUS. 

Edited with Introduction, Notes, and Biblio- 
graphy by Margaret L. Lee and Katha- 
rine B. Locock. Fcap. Svo. y. 6d. net. 

Buekton (A. M.). EAGER HEART: A 
Mystery Play. Ninth Edition. Cr. Svo. 
is. net. 

Budge (E. A. Wallls). THE GODS OF 

THE EGYPTIANS. Illustrated. Two 
Volumes. Royal Svo. £2 3s. net. 

Bull (Paul), Army Chaplain GOD AND 
OUR SOLDIERS. Second Edition. Cr. 
Svo. 6s. 

Bulley (MISS). See Dilke (Lady). 

Burns (Robert), THE POEMS. Edited by 
Andrew Lang and W. A. Craigie. With 
Portrait. Third Edition. Wide Demy Svo, 
gilt top. 6s. 

Bussell (F. W.),- D.D. CHRISTIAN 
(The Bampton Lectures of 1905). Demy 
Svo. 10s. 6d. net. 

Butler (Sir William), Lieut.-General, 
With some other Wayside Thoughts, 1865- 
1908. Cr. Svo. 5J. net. 

Butlln (F. M.). AMONG THE DANES. 
Illustrated. Demy Svo. 7s. 6d. net. 

Cain (Georges), Curator of the Carnavalet 
Museum, Paris. WALKS IN PARIS. 
Translated by A. R. Allinson, M.A. 
Illustrated. Demy Svo. 7s. 6d. net. 

Cameron (Mary Lovett). OLDETRURIA 
Second Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. net. 

Carden (Robert W.). THE CITY OF 
GENOA. Illustrated. Demy Svo. iox. 6d. 

General Literature 

Carlyle (Thomas). THE FRENCH 
REVOLUTION. Edited by C. R. L. 
Fletcher, Fellow of Magdalen College, 
Oxford. Three Volumes. Cr. Zvo. iZs. 

troduction by C. H. Firth, M.A., and 
Notes and Appendices by Mrs. S. C. Lomas. 
Three Volumes. Demy Zvo. \Zs. net. 

Celano (Brother Thomas of). THE 
Translated by A. G. Ferrers Howell. 
Illustrated. Cr. Zvo. $s. tut. 

Chambers (Mrs. Lambert). Lawn Tennis 

for Ladies. Illustrated. Crown Zvo. vs. 6d. 

Chandler (Arthur), Bishop of Bloemfontein. 
ARA CCELI : An Essay in Mystical 
Theology. Fourth Edition. Cr. Zvo. 
3*. 6d. net. 

Chesterfield (Lord). THE LETTERS OF 
HIS SON. Edited, with an Introduction by 
C. Strachey, with Notes by A. Calthrop. 
Two Volumes. Cr. Zvo. 12s. 

Chesterton (G.K.). .CHARLES DICKENS. 

With two Portraits in Photogravure. Seventh 

Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Edition. Fcap. Zvo. 5s. 

Edition. Fcap. Zvo. 5J. 

Clausen (George), A.R.A., R.W.S. SIX 

Third Edition. Large Post. Zvo. 
Lectures delivered to the Students of the 
Royal Academy of Arts. Illustrated. Second 
Edition. Large Post Zvo. ss. net. 

Clutton-Brock (A.) SHELLEY: THE 
MAN AND THE POET. Illustrated. 
Demy Zvo. js. 6d. net. 

Cobb CW. F.), M.A. THE BOOK OF 
PSALMS : with an Introduction and Notes. 
Demy Zvo. ioj. 6d. net. 

Cockshott ( Winifred), St. Hilda's Hall, 
Their Church and Colony. Illustrated. 
Demy Zvo. js. 6d. net. 

Collingwood (W. G.), M.A. THE LIFE 
OF JOHN RUSKIN. With Portrait. 
Sixth Edition. Cr. Zvo. 2s. 6d. net. 

Colvill (Helen H.). ST. TERESA OF 
SPAIN. Illustrated. Second Edition. 
Demy Zvo. js. 6d. net. 

*Condamine (Robert de la). THE 
UPPER GARDEN. Fcap. Zvo. 5*. net. 

Conrad "(Joseph). THE MIRROR OF 
THE SEA : Memories and Impressions. 
Third Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Coolidge (W. A. B.), M.A. THE ALPS 

Illustrated. Demy Zvo. js. 6d. net. 

Cooper (C. S.),F.R.H.S. See Westell (W.P.) 

Coulton (G. G.). CHAUCER AND HIS 
ENGLAND. Illustrated. Second Edition. 
Demy Zvo. 10s. 6d. net. 

Cowper m (William). THE POEMS. 

Edited with an Introduction and Notes by 
J. C Bailey, M.A. Illustrated. Demy 
Zvo. xos. 6d. net. 

Crane (Walter), R.W.S. AN ARTIST'S 
REMINISCENCES. Illustrated. Second 
Edition. Demy Zvo. \Zs. net. 


Second Edition. Demy Zvo. 7s. 6d. net. 

K.C. With 2 Portraits. Second Edition. 
Demy Zvo. 10s. 6d. net. 

Crowley (Ralph H.). THE HYGIENE 
OF SCHOOL LIFE. Illustrated. Cr. 
Zvo. 3^. 6d. net. 

Dante (Alighiorl). LA COMMEDIA DI 
DANTE. The Italian Text edited by 
Paget Toynbee, M.A., D.Litt. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Davey (Richard). THE PAGEANT OF 
LONDON. Illustrated. In Two Volumes. 
Demy Zvo. 15^. net. 

Davis (H. W. C), M.A., Fellow and Tutor 
of Balliol College. ENGLAND UNDER 
1066-1272. Illustrated. Demy Zvo. \os.6d. 

Deans (R. Storry). THE TRIALS OF 
FIVE QUEENS: Katharine of Aragon, 
Anne Boleyn, Mary Queen of Scots, 
Marie Antoinette and Caroline of 
Brunswick. Illustrated. Second Edition. 
Demy Zvo. 10s. 6d. net. 

Dearmer (Mabel). A CHILD'S LIFE 
OF CHRIST. Illustrated. Large Cr. 
Zvo. 6s. 

D'Este (Margaret). IN THE CANARIES 
WITH A CAMERA. Illustrated. Cr. Zvo. 
•js. 6d. net. 

Dickinson (G. L.), M.A., Fellow of King's 
College, Cambridge. THE GREEK 
VIEW OF LIFE. Seventh and Revised 
Edition. Crown Zvo. 2s. 6d. net. 

Ditchfleld (P. H.), M.A., F.S.A. THE 
PARISH CLERK. Illustrated. Third 
Edition. Demy Zvo. Js. 6d. net. 

THE OLD-TIME PARSON. Illustiated. 
Second Edition. Demy Zvo. js. 6d. net. 

Douglas (Hugh A.). VENICE ON FOOT. 
With the Itinerary of the Grand Canal. 
Illustrated. Second Edition. Fcap. Zvo. 
5*. net. 

Methuen and Company Limited 

Douglas (James). THE MAN IN THE 
PULPIT. Cr. Zvo. 2S. 6d. net. 

Dowden (J.). D.D., Late Lord Bishop of 
THE PRAYER BOOK. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Driver (S. R.), D.D., D.C.L., Regius Pro- 
fessor of Hebrew in the University of 
TESTAMENT. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Illustrated. Demy %vo. 10s. 6d. net. 

Dumas (Alexandre). THE CRIMES OF 


an Introduction by R S. Garnett. 

Illustrated. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

DIERAND OTHERS. Illustrated. Cr. 

Zvo. 6s. 


Illustrated. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

OTHERS. Illustrated. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 
MY MEMOIRS. Translated by E. M. 

Waller. With an Introduction by Andrew 

Lang. With Frontispieces in Photogravure. 

In six Volumes. Cr. Zvo. 6s. each volume. 

Vol. I. 1802-1821. Vol. IV. 1830-1831. 

Vol. II. 1822-1825. Vol. V. 1831-1832. 

Vol. III. 1826-1830. Vol. VI. 1832-1833. 
MY PETS. Newly translated by A. R. 

Allinson, M.A. Illustrated. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Duncan (David), D.Sc, LL.D. THE LIFE 
SPENCER. Illustrated. Demy Zvo. i 5 j. 

Dunn-Pattison (R. P.). NAPOLEON'S 
MARSHALS. Illustrated. Demy Zvo. 
Second Edition. 12s. 6d. net. 

THE BLACK PRINCE. Illustrated. 
Second Edition. Demy Zvo. is. 6d. net. 

Durham (The Earl of). A REPORT ON 
CANADA. With an Introductory Note. 
Demy Zvo. 4J. 6d. net. 

Illustrated. Second Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

trated. Second Edition. Demy Zvo. js. 6d. 

Edmonds (Major J. E-), R.E. ; D. A. 
Q.-M, G. See Wood (W. Birkbeck). 

Edwardes (Tiekner). THE LORE OF 
THE HONEY BEE. Illustrated. Cr. 

Illustrated. Cr. Zvo. 6*. 

Egerton (H. E), M.A. A HISTORY OF 
Edition. Demy Zvo. 7s. 6d. net. 

Everett-Green (Mary Anne). ELIZA- 

her Niece S. C. Lomas. With a Prefatory 
Note by A. W. Ward, Litt.D. Demy Zvo. 
1 ay. 6d. net. 

Fairbrother (W. H.), M.A. THE PHILO- 
SOPHY; OF T. H. GREEN. Second 
Edition. Cr. Zvo, 3J. 6d. 

KING. Illustrated. New and Revised 
Edition. Demy Zvo. 7s. 6d. net. 

PLACES. Illustrated. New and Revised 
Edition. Demy Zvo. 7s. 6d. net. 

JAMES II. AND HIS WIVES. Illustrated. 
Demy Zvo. 10s. 6d. net. 

OF LIBERTY. Cr. Zvo. 5*. net. 

Firth (C HO, M.A., Regius Professor of 
Modern History at Oxford. CROM- 
WELL'S ARMY : A History of the English 
Soldier during the Civil Wars, the Common- 
wealth, and the Protectorate. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

FitzGerald (Edward). THE RUBAIVAT 
OF OMAR KHAVYAM. Printed from 
the Fifth and last Edition. With a Com- 
mentary by Mrs. Stephen Batson, and a 
Biography of Omar by E. D. Ross. Cr. 
Zvo. 6s. 

•Fletcher (B. F. and H. P.). THE 

ENGLISH HOME. Illustrated. Second 
Edition. Demy Zvo. \is. 6d. net. 

Fletcher (J. S.). A BOOK OF YORK- 
SHIRE. Illustrated. Demy Zvo. 7*. 6d. 

Flux (A. W.), M.A., William Dow Professor 
of Political Economy in M'Gill University, 
Demy Zvo. 7s. 6d. net. 

Foot (Constance M.). INSECT WON- 
DERLAND. Illustrated. Second Edition. 
Cr. Zvo. 3J. 6d. net. 

Translated by Macleod Yf.arsley. Illus- 
trated. Demy Zvo. \os. 6d. net. 

Fouque - (La Motte). SINTRAM AND 
HIS COMPANIONS. Translated by A. 
C. Farquharson. Illustrated. Demy Zvo. 
7s. 6d. net. Half White Vellum, 10s. 6d. 

Fraser (J. F.). ROUND THE WORLD 
ON A WHEEL. Illustrated. Fifth 
Edition. Cr. %vc. 6t. 

General Literature 

Galton (Sip Francis), F.R.S. ; D.C.L., 
Oxf. ; Hon. Sc.D., Carab. ; Hon. Fellow 
Trinity College, Cambridge. MEMORIES 
OF MY LIFE. Illustrated. Third Edition. 
Demy Svo. 10s. 6d. net. 

Garnett (Lucy H. J.). THE TURKISH 

PEOPLE : Their Social Like, Religious 
Beliefs and Institutions, and Domestic 
Life. Illustrated. Demy Svo. zos. 6d. 

Gibbins (H. do B), Litt.D., M.A. IN- 
CAL OUTLINES. With 5 Maps. Fifth 
Edition- Demy Svo. 10s. 6d. 

ENGLAND. Illustrated . Sixteenth 
Edition. Cr. Svo. 3J. 

Second Edition. Cr. Svo. as. 6d. 
See also Hadfield, R.A. 

Gibbon (Edward). MEMOIRS OF THE 
by G. Birkbeck Hill, LL.D. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

ROMAN EMPIRE. Edited, with Notes, 
Appendices, and Maps, by J. B. Bury, 
M.A., Litt.D., Regius Professor of Modern 
History at Cambridge. Illustrated. In 
Seven Volumes. Demy Svo. Gilt Top. 
Each 10s. 6d. net. 

Gibbs (Philip.) THE ROMANCE OF 
COURT. Illustrated. Second Edition. 
Demy Svo. 15*. net. 

Gloag (M. R.) and Wyatt (Kate M.). A 
Illustrated. Demy Svo. 10s. 6d. net. 

Glover (T. R.), M.A., Fellow and Classical 
Lecturer of St. John's College, Cambridge. 
Fourth Edition. Demy Svo. js. 6d. net. 

Godfrey (Elizabeth). A BOOK OF RE- 
MEMBRANCE. Being Lyrical Selections 
for every day in the Year. Arranged by 
E. Godfrey. Second Edition. Fcap. Svo. 
2s. 6d. net. 

TIME. Illustrated. Second Edition. Demy 
Svo. 7s. 6d. net. 

Godley (A. D.), M.A., Fellow of Magdalen 
College, Oxford. OXFORD IN THE 
Second Edition. Demy Svo. js. 6d. net. 

LYRA FRIVOLA. Fourth Edition. Fcap. 
Svo. as. 6d. 

VERSES TO ORDER. Second Edition. 
Fcap. Svo. as. 6d. 

SECOND STRINGS. Fcap. Svo. «. 6d. 

SHAKESPEARE. Authorised Transla- 
tion from the Danish by Mrs. Charles 
Weekes. Cr. Svo. 5-r. net. 

Gordon (Lina Duff) (Mrs. Aubrey Water- 
field). HOME LIFE IN ITALY : Letters 
from the Apennines. Illustrated. Second 
Edition. Demy Svo. ior. 6d. net. 

Gostling (Frances M.). THE BRETONS 
AT HOME. Illustrated. Second Edition. 
Demy Svo. xos. 6d. net. 

Graham (Harry). A GROUP OF SCOT- 
TISH WOMEN. Illustrated. Second 
Edition. Demy Svo. ioj. 6d. net. 

Grahame (Kenneth). THE WIND IN 
THE WILLOWS. Illustrated. Fifth 
Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Gwynn (Stephen), M.P. A HOLIDAY 
IN CONNEMARA. Illustrated. Demy 
Svo. 10s 6d. net. 

Hall (Cyril). THE YOUNG CARPEN- 
TER. Illustrated. Cr. Svo. 5s. 

Hall (Hammond). THE YOUNG EN- 
GINEER ; or Modern Engines and their 
Models. Illustrated. Second Edition. 
Cr. Svo. 5*. 

THE CAPE TO CAIRO. Illustrated. 
Second Edition. Demy Svo. \6s. net. 

THE ROYAL NAVY. Vol. I., 1217-1688. 
Vol. II., 1689-1815. Demy Svo. Each 
■js. 6d. net. 

Hannay (James 0.), M.A. THE SPIRIT 
MONASTICISM. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Svo. 3J. 6d. net. 

Harper (Charles G.). THE AUTOCAR 
ROAD-BOOK. Four Volumes with Maps. 
Cr. Svo. Each -js. 6d. net. 
Vol. I. — South of the Thames. 
Vol. II.— North and South Wales 
and West Midlands. 

Headley (F. W.). DARWINISM AND 
MODERN SOCIALISM. Second Edition. 
Cr. Svo. 5J. net. 

Henderson (B. W.), Fellow of Exeter, 
College, Oxford. THE LIFE AND 
NERO. Illustrated. New and cheaper 
issue. Demy Svo. -js. 6d. net. 

Henderson (M. Sturge). GEORGE 
REFORMER. Illustrated. Second Edition. 
Cr. Svo. 6s. 


Methuen and Company Limited 

Henderson (T. F.) and Watt (Francis). 
SCOTLAND OF TO-DAY. Illustrated. 
Second Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Henley (W. E.). ENGLISH LYRICS. 
CHAUCER TO POE, 1340-1849. Second 
Edition. Cr. Svo. 2s. 6d. net. 

Heywood (W.). A HISTORY OF PE- 
RUGIA. Illustrated. Demy Svo. 12s. 6d. 

Hill (George Francis). ONE HUNDRED 
Illustrated. Demy Svo. zos. 6d. net. 

Hind (C Lewis). DAYS IN CORNWALL. 
Illustrated. Second Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

HobhOUSe (L. T.), late Fellow of C.CC, 
LEDGE. Detny Svo. 10s. 6d. net. 

Hodgetts (E. A. Brayley). THE COURT 

CENTURY. Illustrated. Two volumes. 
Demy Svo. 24J. net. 

Hodgson (Mrs. W.). HOW TO IDENTIFY 
trated. Second Edition. Post Svo. 6s. 

Holdich (SirT. H.), K.C.I.E, C.B., F.S.A. 
1900. Illustrated. Second Edition. Demy 
Svo. zos. 6d. net. 

Holdsworth (W. S.), D.C.L. A HISTORY 
OF ENGLISH LAW. In Four Volumes. 
Vols. /., //., ///. Demy 8z>o. Each zos. 6d. 

Holland (Clive). TYROL AND ITS 
PEOPLE. Illustrated. Demy Svo. ios.6d. 

Horsburgh (E. L. S.), M.A. LORENZO 
THE MAGNIFICENT: and Florence 
in her Golden Age. Illustrated. Second 
Edition. Demy Svo. 15$. net. 

WATERLOO : with Plans. Second Edition. 
Cr. Svo. 5s. 

Hosie (Alexander). MANCHURIA. Illus- 
trated. Second Edition. Demy &vo. js. 6d. 

Hulton (Samuel F.). THE CLERK OF 
OXFORD IN FICTION. Illustrated. 
Demy Svo. 10s. 6d. net. 

•Humphreys (John H.). PROPOR- 
3J. 6d. net. 

Hutchinson (Horace G.). THE NEW 
FOREST. Illustrated. Fourth Edition. 
Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Hutton (Edward). THE CITIES OF 
UMBRIA. Illustrated. Fcurth Edition. 
Cr. Svo. 6s. 

THE CITIES OF SPAIN. Illustrated. 
Fourth Edition, Cr. Svo. 6s. 

GENOA. Illustrated. Second Edition. 
Crown Svo. 6s. 

an Introduction. Fcap. Svo. y. 6d. net. 

Illustrated. Fcap. Svo. 5s. net. 

Appendix by William Heywood. Illus- 
trated. Second Edition. Demy Svo. 7s. 6d. 

ROME. Illustrated. Second Edition. Cr. 
Svo. 6s. 

Hyett (F. A.) FLORENCE : Her History 
and Art to the Fall of the Republic. 
Demy Svo. js. 6d. net. 

Ibsen (Henrik). BRAND. A Drama. 

Translated by William Wilson. Fourth 
Edition. Cr. Svo. 3J. 6d. 

Inge ( W. R.), M.A., Fellow and Tutor of 
Hertford College, Oxford. CHRISTIAN 
MYSTICISM. (The Bampton Lectures of 
1899.) Demy Svo. 12s. 6d. net. 

Innes (A. D.), M.A. A HISTORY OF THE 

BRITISH IN INDIA. With Maps and 

Plans. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

With Maps. Third Edition. Demy Svo. 

10J. 6d. net. 

Innes (Mary). SCHOOLS OF PAINT- 
ING. Illustrated. Cr. Svo. 5*. net. 

James (Norman G. B.). THE CHARM 
OF SWITZERLAND. Cr. Svo. 5s. net. 

Jeffery (Reginald W.), M.A. THE 
1497-1763. Illustrated. Demy Svo. 7s. 6d. 

Jenks (E.), M.A., B.C.L. AN OUTLINE 
Second Edition. Revised by R. C. K. 
Ensor, M.A. Cr. Svo. as. 6d. 

Jerningham (Charles Edward). THE 
Edition. Cr. Svo. v- 

Johnston (Sir H. H.), K.C.B. BRITISH 
CENTRAL AFRICA. Illustrated. Third 
Edition. Cr. \to. zSs. net. 

General Literature 

•the negro in the new world. 

Illustrated. Demy Zvo. \6s. net. 

Jones (R. Crompton), M.A. POEMS OF 
THE INNER LIFE. Selected by R. C. 
Jones. Thirteenth Edition. Fcap Zvo. 
2S. 6d. net. 

Julian (Lady) of Norwich. REVELA- 
Grace Warrack. Fourth Edition. Cr. 
Zvo. 3J. 6d. 

A Plea for Reason in Education. Second 
Edition. Cr. Zvo. y *>d. net. 

KeatS (John). THE POEMS. Edited 
with Introduction and Notes by E. de 
Selincourt, M.A. With a Frontispiece in 
Photogravure. Second Edition Revised. 
Demy Zvo. 7s. 6d. net. 

With an Introduction and Notes by W. 
Lock, D.D., Warden of Keble College. 
Illustrated. Third Edition. Fcap. Zvo. 
%s. 6a?. ; padded morocco, %s. 

Kempls (Thomas a). THE IMITATION 
OF CHRIST. With an Introduction by 
Dean Farrar. Illustrated. Third 
Edition. Fcap. Zvo. 3X. 6d. ; padded 
morocco, 5*. 

Also translated by C. Bigg, D.D. Cr. 
Zvo. y. 6d. 

Kerr (S. Parnell). GEORGE SELWYN 
AND THE WITS. Illustrated. Demy 
Zvo. 1 2 j. 6d. net. 

Kipling (Rudyard). BARRACK-ROOM 
BALLADS. 100th Thousand. Twenty- 
ninth Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. Also Fcap. 
Zvo, Leather. 5 J. net. 

THE SEVEN SEAS. Zi,th Thousand. 
Seventeenth Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. Also 
Fcap. Zvo, Leather, ss. net. 

THE FIVE NATIONS. 70th Thousand. 
Seventh Edition. Cr.Zvo. 6s. Also Fcap. 
Zvo, Leather. 5s. net. 

Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. Also Fcap. Zvo, 
Leather. $s, net. 

Knox (Winifred F.). THE COURT OF 
A SAINT. Illustrated. Demy Zvo. 
ioj. 6d. net. 

Lamb (Charles and Mary), THE WORKS. 

Edited by E. V. Lucas. Illustrated. In 
Seven Volumes. Demy Zvo. 7s. 6d. each. 

Lane-Poole (Stanley). A HISTORY OF 
Illustrated. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Lankester (Sir Ray), K.C.B., F.R.S. 
Illustrated. Fifth Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Leach (Henry). THE SPIRIT OF THE 
LINKS. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Le Rraz (Anatole). THE LAND OF 
PARDONS. Translated by Frances M. 
Gostling. Illustrated. Third Edition. 
Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Lees (Frederick!. A SUMMER IN 
TOURAINE. Illustrated. Second Edition. 
De?ny Zvo. 10s. 6d. net. 

Lindsay (Lady Mabel). ANNI DOMINI : 
A Gospel Study. With Maps. Two 
Volumes. Super Royal Zvo. xos. net. 

Llewellyn (Owen) and Raven-Hill (L.). 
THE SOUTH-BOUND CAR. Illustrated. 
Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Lock (Walter), D.D., Warden of Keble 
BUILDER. Third Edition. Cr. Zvo. 
is. 6d. 

Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Lodge (Sir Oliver), F.R.S. THE SUB- 
SCIENCE : A Catechism for Parents and 
Teachers. Tenth Edition. Cr. Zvo. 2s. net. 

of the Influence of the Advance in 
Scientific Knowledge upon our under- 
standing of Christianity. Ninth 
Edition. Crown Zvo. ss. net. 

Unrecognised Human Faculty. Fifth 
Edition. Crown Zvo. $s. net. 

Lofthouse (W. F.), M.A. ETHICS AND 
ATONEMENT. With a Frontispiece. 
Demy Zvo. 5s. net. 

Lorimer (George Horace). LETTERS 
TO HIS SON. Illustrated. Eighteenth 
Edition. Cr. Zvo. 2 s - 6d. 

OLD GORGON GRAHAM. Illustrated. 
Second Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Lorimer (Norma). BY THE WATERS 
OF EGYPT. Illustrated. Demy Zvo. 16s. 

LAMB. -Illustrated. Fifth and Revised 
Edition in One Volume. Demy Zvo. 7s. 6d. 

trated. Twelfth Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

trated. Tenth Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

A WANDERER IN PARIS. Illustrated. 
Sixth Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

A 2 


Methuen and Company Limited 

THE OPEN ROAD: A Little Book for 
Wayfarers. Seventeenth Edition. Fcp. 
Svo. $s. ; India Paper, js. 6d. 

THE FRIENDLY TOWN : a Little Book 
for the Urbane. Sixth Edition. Fcap. Svo. 
$s. ; India Paper, js. 6d. 

Edition. Fcap. Svo. $s. 

Edition. Fcap. Svo. $s. 

Letters by Entertaining Hands. Sixth 
Edition. Fcap Svo. 5s. 

trated. Demy Svo. 12s. 6d. net. 

Portrait Gallery. Fifth Edition. 
Fcap. Svo. 5s. 

LISTENER'S LURE : An Oblique Nar- 
ration. Eighth Edition. Fcap. Svo. 5$. 

GOOD COMPANY: A Rally of Men. 
Second Edition. Fcap. Svo. $s. 

Edition. Fcap. Svo. $s. 

Chronicle. Ninth Edition. Fcap. Svo. 

HALLIDAY. With some of her Letters. 
Edited by R. M. Fcap. Svo. is. 6d. net. 

Macaulay (Lord). CRITICAL AND 

C. Montague. M.A. Three Volumes. 
Cr. Svo. 1 8s. 
McCabe (Joseph) (formerly Very Rev. F. 
Antony, O.S.F.). THE DECAY OF 
Edition. Demy Svo. 7s. td. net. 

McCullagh (Francis). The Fall of Abd-ul- 

Hamid. Illustrated. Demy Svo. 10s. td. 

MacCunn (Florence A.). MARY 

STUART. Illustrated. New and Cheaper 

Edition. Large Cr. Svo. 6s. 

McDougall (William), M.A. (Oxon., M.B. 
Cr. Svo. is. net. 

• Mdlle. Mori ' Author of). ST. CATHER- 
Illustrated. Second Edition. Demy Svo. 
ys. 6d. net. 

Maeterlinck (Maurice). THE BLUE 
BIRD: A Fairy Play in Six Acts. 
Translated by Alexander Teixeira de 
Mattos. Twentieth Edition. Fcap. Svo. 
Deckle Edges. 3s. 6d. net. Also Fcap. Svo. 
Paper covers, is. net. 

Mahaffy (J. P.), Litt.D. A HISTORY OF 
Illustrated. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Maitland (F. W.), M.A, LL.D. ROMAN 
ENGLAND. Royal Svo. 7 s. 6d. 

Marett (R. R.), M.A., Fellow and Tutor ol 
Exeter College, Oxford. THE THRES- 
HOLD OF RELIGION. Cr. Svo. 3 s. 6d. 

Marriott (Charles). A SPANISH HOLI- 
DAY. Illustrated. Demy Svo. 7s. 6d. net. 

Marriott (J. A. R.), M.A. THE LIFE 
Illustrated. Second Edition. Demy Svo. 
7s. 6d. net. 

Masefleld (John). SEA LIFE IN NEL- 
SON S TIME. Illustrated. Cr. Svo. 
3-s-. 6d. net. 

A SAILOR'S GARLAND. Selected and 
Edited. Second Edition. Cr. Svo. 3s. 6d. 

Selected and Edited. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Masterman (C. F. G.), M.A., M.P.. 
TEACHER. Second Edition. Cr.Svo. 6s. 

Fourth Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Mayne (Ethel Colburn). ENCHANTERS 

OF MEN. Illustrated. Demy Svo. 10s. 6d. 

Meakin (Annette M. B.), Fellow of the 
Anthropological Institute. WOMAN IN 
TRANSITION. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

GALICIA : The Switzerland of Spain. 
Illustrated. Demy Svo. 12s. 6d. net. 

Medley (D. J.), M.A., Professor of History 
in the University of Glasgow. ORIGINAL 
a Selected Number of the Chief 
Charters and Statutes. Cr.Svo. 7s. 6d. 

Methuen. (A. M. S.), M.A. THE TRAGEDY 
OF SOUTH AFRICA. Cr. Svo. zs. net. 

ENGLAND'S RUIN: Discussed in Four- 
teen Letters to a Protectionist. 
Ninth Edition. Cr. Svo. 3^. net. 

Meynell (Everard). COROT AND HIS 
FRIENDS. Illustrated. Demy Svo. xos. 6d. 

Miles (Eustace), M.A. LIFE AFTER 
LIFE: or, The Theory of Reincarna- 
tion. Cr. Svo. 2S. 6d. net. 

How to Acquire it. Third Edition. 
Cr. Svo. 3 s. 6d. net. 

Millais (J. G.). THE LIFE AND LET- 
MILLAIS, President of the Royal Academy. 
Illustrated. New Edition. Demy Svo. 
7s, 6d. net. 

Milne (J. G.), M.A. A HISTORY OF 
Illustrated. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

General Literature 


Mitton (G. E.), JANE AUSTEN AND 
HER TIMES. Illustrated. Second and 
Cheaper Edition. Large Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Moffat (Mary M.). QUEEN LOUISA OF 
PRUSSIA. Illustrated. Fourth Edition. 
Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Money (L. G. Chiozza\ M.P. RICHES 
AND POVERTY (1910). Tenth Edition. 
Demy Svo. 5s. net. 

Demy Svo. Second Edition. $s. net. 

Moore (T. Sturge). ART AND LIFE. 
Illustrated. Cr. Svo. 55. net. 

Moorhouse (E. Hallam). NELSON'S 
LADY HAMILTON. Illu5trated. Second 
Edition. Demy Svo. 7s. 6d. net. 

Morgan (J. H.), M.A. THE HOUSE 
TION. With an Introduction by the Lokd 
Chancellor. Cr. Svo. is. net. 

Morton (A. Anderson). See Brodrick (M.). 

Norway (A. H.). NAPLES. Past and 
Present. Illustrated. Third Edition. 
Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Oman (C. W. C), M.A., Fellow of All 
Souls', Oxford. A HISTORY OF THE 
AGES. Illustrated. Demy Svo. 10s. 6d. 

CONQUEST. With Maps. Second 
Edition. Demy Svo. 10s. 6d. net. 

Oxford (M. N.), of Guy's Hospital. A 
Edition. Cr. Svo. 3J. 6d. 

HYGIENE. Illustrated. Demy Svo. i 5 j. 

Parker (Erie). THE BOOK OF THE 
ZOO ; By Day and Night. Illustrated. 
Second Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Parsons (Mrs. C). THE INCOMPAR- 
ABLE SID DONS. Illustrated. Demy 
Svo. 12s. 6d. net. 

Patmore (K. A-). THE COURT OF 
LOUIS XIII. Illustrated. Third Edition. 
Demy Svo. 10s. 6d. net. 

Patterson (A. H.). MAN AND NATURE 
ON TIDAL WATERS. Illustrated. Cr. 
Svo. 6s. 

Petrie (W. M. Flinders), D.C.L., LL.D., 

Professor of Egyptology at University Col- 
lege. A HISTORY OF EGYPT. Illus- 
trated. In Six Volumes. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Vol. I. From the Earliest Kings to 
XVIth Dynasty. Sixth Edition. 

Vol. II. The XVIIth and XVIIIth 
Dynasties. Fourth Edition. 

Vol. III. XIXth to XXXth Dynasties. 

Vol. IV. Egypt under thr Ptolemaic 
Dynasty. J. P. Mahaffy, Litt.D. 

Vol. V. Egypt under Roman Rule. J. G. 
Milne, M.A. 

Vol. VI. Egypt in the Middle Ages. 
Stanley Lane-Poole, M.A. 

ANCIENT EGYPT. Lectures delivered 
at University College, London. Illustrated. 
Cr. Svo. is. 6d. 

aj. 6d. 

EGYPTIAN TALES. Translated from the 
Papyri. First Series, ivth to xnth Dynasty. 
Edited by W. M. Flinders Petrie. Illus- 
trated. Second Edition. Cr. Svo. 3*. 6d. 

EGYPTIAN TALES. Translated from the 
Papyri. Second Series, xvmth to xixth 
Dynasty. Illustrated. Cr. Svo. 3s. 6d. 

Course of Lectures delivered at the Royal 
Institution. Illustrated. Cr. Svo. 3*. 6d. 

Phelps (Ruth S.). SKIES ITALIAN : A 
Little Breviary for Travellers in 
Italy. Fca/>. Svo. 5s. net. 

Phythian (J. Ernest). TREES IN NA- 
TURE, MYTH, AND ART. Illustrated. 
Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Podmore (Frank). MODERN SPIRIT- 
UALISM. Two Volumes. Demy Svo. 
21s. net. 

SCIENCE: A Short History of Mental 
Healing. Second Edition. Demy Svo. 
10s. 6d. net. 

Pollard (Alfred W.). SHAKESPEARE 
the Bibliography of Shakespeare's Plays, 
1594-1685. Illustrated. Folio. 21s. net. 

Powell (Arthur E.). FOOD AND 
HEALTH. Cr. Svo. 3s. 6d. net. 

Power (J. O'Connor). THE MAKING OF 
AN ORATOR. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Price (L. L.), M.A., Fellow of Oriel College, 
Seventh Edition. Cr. Svo. 2s. 6d. 

Pullen-Burry (B.). IN A GERMAN 
COLONY; or, Four Weeks in Nt:w 
Britain. Illustrated. Cr. Svo. $s. net. 

Pyeraft (W. P.). BIRD LIFE. Illustrated. 
Demy Svo. 10s. 6d. net. 


Methuen and Company Limited 

Ragg (Lonsdale), B.D. Oxon. DANTE 
AND HIS ITALY. Illustrated. Detny 
Zvo. i a J. 6d. net. 

•Rappoport (Angelo SO- HOME LIFE IN 

RUSSIA. Illustrated. Demy Zvo. \os. 6d. 

Raven-Hill (L.). See Llewellyn (Owen). 

Rawlings (Gertrude). COINS AND 
HOW TO KNOW THEM. Illustrated. 
Third Edition. Cr. Zvo. $s. net. 

OF LA FAYETTE. Illustrated. Demy 
Zvo. ioj. 6d. net. 

Read (C. Stanford), M.B. (Lond.), 
ING. Cr. Zvo. is. 6d. net. 

Rees (J. D.), C.I.E., M.P. THE REAL 
INDIA. Second Edition. Demy Zvo. 
10s. 6d. net. 

Reich (Emil), Doctor Juris. WOMAN 
THROUGH THE AGES. Illustrated. 
Two Volumes. Demy Zvo. vis. net. 

Reid (Arehdall), M.B. THE LAWS OF 
HEREDITY. Second Edition. Demy 
Zvo, 21s. net. 

Richmond (Wilfrid), Chaplain of Lincoln's 
EPISTLES. Cr. Zvo. 2s. 6d. net. 

Roberts (M. E.). See Channer (CC). 

Robertson (A.), D.D., Lord Bishop of 
Exeter. REGNUM DEI. (The Bampton 
Lectures of 1901.) A New and Cheaper 
Edition. Demy Zvo. 7s. 6d. net. 

Robertson (C. Grant), M.A., Fellow of 
All Souls' College, Oxford. SELECT 
Demy Zvo. xoj. 6d. net. 

Robertson (Sir G. S.),K.C.S.I. CHITRAL : 
The Story of a Minor Siege. Illustrated. 
Third Edition. Demy Zvo. 10s. 6d. net. 


Illustrated. Second Edition. Demy Zvo, 

1 or. 6d. net. 
Royde-Smith (N. G.). THE PILLOW 

BOOK : A Garner of Many Moods. 

Collected. Second Edition. Cr. Zvo. 

t,s. 6d. net. 
POETS OF OUR DAY. Selected, with an 

Introduction. Fcap. Zvo. $s. 

Rumbold (The Right Hon. Sir Horace), 
Bart., G. C. B., G. C. M. G. THE 
TEENTH CENTURY. Illustrated. 
Second Edition. Demy Zvo. iZs. net. 

Russell (W. Clark). THE LIFE OF 
Illustrated. Fourth Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

St. Francis of Assisi. THE LITTLE 
Done into English, with Notes hy William 
Heywood. Illustrated. Demy Zvo. $s. net. 

«Saki'(H. Munro). REGINALD. Second 
Edition. Fcap. Zvo. 2s. 6d. net. 

2s. 6d. net. 

Sanders (Lloyd). THE HOLLAND 
HOUSE CIRCLE. Illustrated. Second 
Edition. Demy Zvo. \2S. 6d. net. 

•Scott (Ernest). TERRE NAPOLEON, 
1 800-1804. Illustrated. Second Edition. 
Demy Zvo, xos. 6d. net. 

Selincourt (Hugh de). GREAT RALEGH. 
Illustrated. Demy Zvo. 10s. 6d. net. 

Selous (Edmund). TOMMY SMITH'S 

ANIMALS. Illustrated. Eleventh Edition 

Fcaf>. Zvo. 2S. 6d. 

Illustrated. Fifth Edition. Fcap. Zvo. 

is. 6d. 

*Shafer (Sara A.). A. WHITE PAPER 
GARDEN. Illustrated. Demy Zvo. 7 s.6d. 

Shakespeare (William). 

THE FOUR FOLIOS, 1623; 1632; 1664; 
1685. Each £4 4s. net, or a complete set, 
£12 las. net. 

Folios 2, 3 and 4 are ready. 

SPEARE. With an Introduction and Notes 
by George Wyndham. Demy Zvo. Buck- 
ram, gilt top. 10s. 6d. 


Zvo. 2J. 6d. 

Sidgwick (Mrs. Alfred). HOME LIFE 
IN GERMANY. Illustrated. Second 
Edition. Demy Zvo. 10s. 6d. net. 

Sime (John). See Little Books on Art. 

Sladen (Douglas). SICILY: The New 
Winter Resort. Illustrated. Second Edition. 
Cr. Zvo. 5J. net. 

Smith (Adam). THE WEALTH OF 

NATIONS. Edited with an Introduction 
and numerous Notes by Edwin Cannan, 
M.A. Two Volumes. Vemy Zvo. 21s. net. 

Smith (Sophia S.). DEAN SWIFT. Illus- 
trated. Demy Zvo. ioj. 6d. net. 

Snell (F. J.). A BOOK OF EXMOOR. 
Illustrated. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

♦ Stancliffe • GOLF DO'S AND DONT'S. 
Second Edition. Fcap. Zvo. is. 

General Literature 


Stead (Francis H), M.A. HOW OLD 
Illustrated. Demy Zvo. as. 6d. net. 

Stevenson (R. LA THE LETTERS OF 
and Edited by Sir Sidney Colvin. Ninth 
Edition. Two Volumes. Cr. Zvo. 12s. 

VAILIMA LETTERS. With an Etched 
Portrait by William Strang. Eighth 
Edition. Cr. Zvo. Buckram. 6s. 

Balfour (G.). 

Stevenson (H. I). FROM SARANAC 
TO THE MARQUESAS. Being Letters 
written by Mrs. M. I. Stevenson during 
1887-88. Cr. Zvo. 6s. net. 

LETTERS FROM SAMOA,*i8 9 i-95. Edited 
and arranged by M. C. Balfour. Illus- 
trated. Second Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. net. 

Storr (Vernon F.), M.A., Canon of Win- 
DIVINE PURPOSE. Cr. Zvo. 5 s. net. 

Streatfeild (R. A.). MODERN MUSIC 
AND MUSICIANS. Illustrated. Second 
Edition. Demy Zvo. 7s. 6d. net. 

Swanton (E. W.). FUNGI AND HOW 
TO KNOW THEM. Illustrated. Cr. Zvo. 
6s. net. 

•Sykes (Ella C). PERSIA AND ITS 
PEOPLE. Illustrated. Demy Zvo. iot. 6d. 

Svmes (J E). M.A. THE FRENCH 
REVOLUTION. Second Edition. Cr. 
ivo. as. 6d. 

Tabor (Margaret E.). THE SAINTS IN 
ART. Illustrated. Fcap. Zvo. 3s. 6d. net. 

METAPHYSICS. Second Edition. Demy 
8vo. iot. 6d. net. 

Taylor (John W.). THE COMING OF 
THE SAINTS. Illustrated. Demy 8vo. 
js. 6d. net. 

Thibaudeau (A. C). BONAPARTE AND 
THE CONSULATE. Translated and 
Edited by G. K. Fortescue, LL.D. Illus- 
trated. Demy 8vo. xos. 6d. net. 

Thompson (Francis). SELECTED 
With a Biographical Note by Wilfrid 
Meynell. With a Portrait in Photogravure. 
Seventh Edition. Fcap. 8vo. 5J. net. 

Tileston (Mary WO- DAILY STRENGTH 
FOR DAILY NEEDS. Eighteenth Edi- 
tion. Medium i6mo. 2s. 6d. net. Also an 
edition in superior binding, 6;. 

Toynbee (Paget), M.A., D. Litt. DANTE 

CHAUCER TO CARY. Two Volumes. 
Demy 8vo. 21s. net. 
See also Oxford Biographies. 

Tozer (Basil). THE HORSE IN HIS- 
TORY. Illustrated. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 

Trench (Herbert). DEIRD RE WEDDED, 

and other Poems. Second and Revised 

Edition. Large Post 8vo. 6s. 
NEW POEMS. Second Edition. Large 

Post 8vo. 6s. 

Post 8vo. Paper, is. 6d. net; cloth, as. 6d. 


Trevelyan (G. M.), Fellow of Trinity College, 
STUARTS. With Maps and Plans. Foutth 
Edition. Demy Zvo. \os. 6d. net. 

Triggs (Inigo H.), A.R.I.B.A. TOWN 
PLANNING: Past, Present, and 
Possible. Illustrated. Second Edition. 
Wide Royal 8vo. j$s. net. 

Vaughan (Herbert M.), B.A.(Oxon), F.S.A. 
OF YORK. Illustrated. Second Edition. 
Demy 8vo. ioj. 6d. net. 

MENT VIL). Illustrated. Demy 8vo. i$s. 

Second Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 

Illustrated. Fcap. 8vo. 5J. net. 

Vernon (Hon. W. Warren), M.A. READ- 


With an Introduction by the Rev. Dr. 

Moore. Two Volumes. Second Edition. 

Cr. 8vo. 15J. net. 

OF DANTE. With an Introduction by 

the late Dean Church. Two Volumes. 

Third Edition. Cr. 8vo. 15J. net. 

DANTE. With an Introduction by the 

Bishop of Ripon. Two Volumes. Second 

Edition. Cr. 8vo. 15.?. net. 

Vincent (J. E.)- THROUGH EAST 
trated. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Waddell (Col. L. A.), LL.D., C.B. LHASA 
of the Expedition of 1903-1904. Illustrated. 
Third and Cheaper Edition. Medium Zvo. 
•js. 6d. net. 

Wagner (Richard). RICHARD WAG- 
NER'S MUSIC DRAMAS: Interpreta- 
tions, embodying Wagner's own explana- 
tions. By Alice Leighton Cleather 
and Basil Crump. In Three Volumes. 
Fcap. Zvo. as. 6d. each. 
Vol. i.— The Ring of the Nibelung. 

Third Edition. 
Vol. hi.— Tristan and Isoldb. 


Methuen and Company Limited 

Walneman (Paul). A SUMMER TOUR 
IN FINLAND. Illustrated. Demy Svo. 
xos. 6d. net. 

Walkley (A. B.). DRAMA AND LIFE. 

Cr. too. 6s. 

Waterhouse (Elizabeth). WITH THE 

SIMPLE-HEARTED : Little Homilies to 
Women in Country Places. Third Edition. 
Small Pott too. 2s. net. 

Selections for Morning and Evening Read- 
ing. Chosen and arranged by Elizabeth 
Waterhouse. Large Cr. too. $s. net. 

Edition. Small Pott too. is. net. 

Watt (Francis). See Henderson (T. F.). 

Weigall (Arthur E. P.). A GUIDE TO 
EGYPT : From Abydos to the Sudan 
Frontier. Illustrated. Cr. too. js. 6d. nti. 

Welch (Catharine). THE LITTLE 
DAUPHIN. Illustrated. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

WellS (J-), M.A., Fellow and Tutor of Wad- 
LIFE. Third Edition. Cr.too. y.6d. 

Edition. With 3 Maps. Cr. Svo. 3J. 6d. 

Westell (W. Perclval). THE YOUNG 
NATURALIST. Illustrated. Cr. too. 6s. 

Westell (W. Pereival), F.L.S., M.B.O.U., 
and Cooper (C S.), F.R.H.S. THE 
YOUNG BOTANIST. Illustrated. Cr. 
too. 3J. 6d. net. 

•Wheeler (Ethel R-). FAMOUS BLUE 
bTOCKINGS. Illustrated. Demy too. 
ioj. 6d. net. 

Whibley (C )• See Henley (W. E.). 

White (George F.), Lieut.-Col. A CEN- 
1788-1898. Demy too. 12J. 6d. net. 

Whitley (Miss). See Dilke (Lady). 

Wilde (Oscar). DE PROFUNDI S. 

Twelfth Edition. Cr. too. $s. net. 

Twelve Volumes. Fc&p. too. 5J. net each 

1. Lord Arthur Savii.e's Crime and 
the Portrait of Mr. W. H. ii. The 

Duchess of Padua, hi. Poems, iv. 
Lady Windermere's Fan. v. A Woman 
of No Importance, vi. An Ideal Hus- 
band, vh. The Importance of being 
Earnest. viii. A House of Pome- 
granates, ix. Intentions, x. De Pro- 
funda and Prison Letters, xi. Essays, 
xii. Salome, A Florentine Tragedy, 
and La Sainte Courtisane. 

Williams (H. Noel). THE WOMEN 
BONAPARTES. The Mother and three 
Sisters of Napoleon. Illustrated. In Two 
Volumes. Demy too. z\s. net. 

A ROSE OF SAVOY : Marie Adeleide of 
Savoy, Duchesse de Bourgogne, Mother 
of Louis xv. Illustrated. Second 
Edition. Demy Svo. 15*. net. 

LIEU : Louis Francois Armand du 
Plessis, Marechal Due de Richelieu. 
Illustrated. Demy too. i$s. net. 

Wood (Sir Evelyn), F.M., V.C., G.C.B., 
FIELD-MARSHAL. Illustrated. Fifth 
and Cheaper Edition. Demy Svo. js. 6d. 

59. Illustrated. Second Edition. Cr.Svo. 6s. 

Wood (W. Birkbeck), M.A.,late Scholar of 
Worcester College, Oxford, and Edmonds 
(Major J. E.), R.E., D.A.Q.-M.G. A 
Introduction by H. Spenser Wilkinson, 
With 24 Maps and Plans. Third Edition. 
Demy Svo. i?s. 6d. net. 

Wordsworth (W.). THE POEMS. With 
an Introduction and Notes by Nowell 
C. Smith, late Fellow of New College, 
Oxford. In Three Volumes. Demy Svo. 
15J. net. 

Selected with an Introduction by Stopford 
A. Brooke. Illustrated. Cr. Svo. js. 6d. 

Wyatt (Kate M.). See Gloag (M. R.). 

Wyllie (M. A.). NORWAY AND ITS 
FJORDS. Illustrated. Second Edition. 
Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Yeats (W. B.). A BOOK OF IRISH 
VERSE. Revised and Enlarged Edition. 
Cr. Svo. 3*. 6d. 

Young (Filson). See The Complete Series. 

General Literature 
Part II. — A Selection of Series. 

Ancient Cities. 

General Editor, B. C. A. WINDLE, D.Sc, F.R.S. 

Cr. 8vo. 4J. 6d. net. 
With Illustrations by E. H. New, and other Artists. 

Edinburgh. By M. G. Williamson, M.A 


Bristol. By Alfred Harvey, M.B. 
Canterbury. By J. C. Cox, LL.D., F.S.A. 
Chester. By B. C. A. Windle, D.Sc, F.R.S 
Dublin. By S. A. O. Fitzpatrick. 


Lincoln. By E. Mansel Sympson, M.A. 
Shrewsbury. By T. Auden, M.A., F.S.A. 
Wells and Glastonbury. By T. S. Holmes. 

The Antiquary's Books. 

General Editor, J. CHARLES COX, LL.D., F.S.A. 

Demy $vo. *js. 6d. net. 

With Numerous Illustrations. 

False Antiquities. 
By Canon J. J. 

Archeology and 

By R. Munro. 
Bells of England, The. 

Raven. Second Edition. 
Brasses of England, The. By Herbert 

W. Macklin. Second Edition. 
Celtic Art in Pagan and Christian 

Times. By J. Romilly Allen. 
Domesday Inquest, The. By Adolphus 

English Church Furniture. By J. C. Cox 

and A. Harvey. Second Edition. 
English Costume. From Prehistoric Times 

to the End of the Eighteenth Century. By 

George Clinch. 
English Monastic Life. By the Right Rev. 

Abbot Gasquet. Fourth Edition. 
English Seals. By J. Harvey Bloom. 
Folk-Lore as an Historical Science. By 

Sir G. L. Gomme. 

Gilds and Companies of London, The- 

By George Unwin. 
Manor and Manorial Records, The. 

By Nathaniel J. Hone. 
Medieval Hospitals of England, The. 

By Rotha Mary Clay. 
Old Service Books of the English 

Church. By Christopher Wordsworth, 

M.A., and Henry Littlehales. Second 

Parish Life in Medieval England. By 

the Right Rev. Abbot Gasquet. Second 

•Parish Registers of England, The. By 

J. C Cox. 
Remains of the Prehistoric Age in 

England. By B. C. A. Windle. Second 

Royal Forests of England, The. By 

J. C. Cox, LL.D. 
Shrines of British Saints. By J. C Wall. 

The Arden Shakespeare. 

Demy Svo. 2s. 6d. net each volume. 

An edition of Shakespeare in single Plays. Edited with a full Introduction, 
Textual Notes, and a Commentary at the foot of the page. 

All's Well That Ends Well. 

Antony and Cleopatra. 


Comedy of Errors, The. 

Ham let. Second Edition. 

Julius Caesar. 

King Henry v. 

King Henry vi. Pt. i. 

King Henry vi. Pt. ii. 

King Henry vi. Pt. hi. 

King Lear. 

King Richard hi. 

Life and Death of King John, The. 

Love's Labour's Lost. 


Measure for Measure. 

Merchant of Venice, The. 

Merry Wives of Windsor, The. 

Midsummer Night's Dream, A. 



Romeo and Juliet. 

Taming of the Shrew, The, 

Tempest, The. 

Timon of Athens. 

Titus Andronicus. 

Troilus and Cressida. 

Two Gentlemen of Verona, Thb. 

Twelfth Night. 


Methuen and Company Limited 

Classics of Art. 

Edited by Dr. J. H. W. LAING. 
With numerous Illustrations. Wide Royal &vo. Gilt top. 

The Art of the Greeks. By H. B. Walters. 
12 J. td. net. 

Florentine Sculptors of the Renais- 
sance. Wilhelm Bode, Ph.D. Translated 
by Jessie Haynes. 12J. td. net. 

•George Romney. By Arthur B. Chamber- 
lain. 12J. td. net. 

Ghirlandaio. Gerald S. Davies. Second 
Edition. ioj. td. 

Michelangelo. By Gerald S. Davie*. 

12J. 6d. net. 
Rubens. By Edward Dillon, M.A. 
Raphael. By A. P. Oppe*. 12s. 6d. net. 
Titian. By Charles Ricketts. 12J. 6d. net. 
Turner's Sketches and Drawings. By 

A. J. Finberg. 12J. 6d. net. Second 

Velazquez. By A. de Beruete. ioj. 6d. net. 

The "Complete" Series. 

Fully Illustrated. Demy %vo. 

By Lilian Whitling. 

The Complete Cook. 
7J. 6d. net. 

The Complete Cricketer. By Albert E. 
Knight. 7s. td. net. 

Tkf. Complete Foxhunter. By Charles 
Richardson. Second Edition. 

The Complete Golfer. By Harry Vardon. 
1 of. td. net. Eleventh Edition. 

The Complete Hockey-Player. By Eustace 
E. White. 5J. net. Second Edition. 

The Complete Lawn Tennis Player. By 
A. Wallis Myers, ioj. td. net. Second 

The Complete Motorist. By Filson 
Young. 12J. td. net. New Edition 

The Complete Mountaineer. By G. D. 
Abraham. 15J. net. Second Edition. 

The Complete Oarsman. By R. C. Leh- 
man n, M.P. ioj. td. net. 

The Complete Photographer. By R. 
Child Bayley. ioj. td. net. Fourth 

The Complete Rugby Footballer, on the 
New Zealand System. By D. Gallaher 
and W. J. Stead, ioj. td. net. Second 

The Complete Shot. By G. T. Teasdaie 
Buckell. 12J. td. net. Third Edition. 

The Connoisseur's Library. 

With numerous Illustrations. Wide Royal Svo. Gill top. 25J. net. 

English Furniture. By F. S. Robinson. 

English Coloured Books. By Martin 

European Enamels. By Henry H. Cunyng- 
hame, C.B. 

Glass. By Edward Dillon. 

Goldsmiths' and Silversmiths' Work. By 
Nelson Dawson. Second Edition. 

•Illuminated Manuscripts. By J. A. 

Ivories. By Alfred Maskell. 
Jewellery. By H. Clifford Smith. Second 

Mezzotints. By Cyril Davenport. 
Miniatures. By Dudley Heath. 
Porcelain. By Edward Dillon. 
Seals. By Walter de Gray Birch. 

General Literature 


Handbooks of English Church History. 

Edited by J. H. BURN, B.D. Crown %vo. 2s. 6d. net. 

The Foundations of the English Church. 
By J. H. Maude. 

The Saxon Church and the Norman Con- 
quest. By C. T. Cruttwell. 

The Medieval Church and the Papacy. 
By A. C. Jennings. 

The Reformation Period. By Henry Gee. 

The Struggle with Puritanism. By Bruce 

The Church of England in the Eigh- 
teenth Century. By Alfred Plummer. 

The Illustrated Pocket Library of Plain and Coloured Books. 

Fcap. Svo. 2 s - 6d. net each volume. 

Old Coloured Books. By George Paston. 

zs. net. 
The Life and Death of John Mytton, 

Esq. By Nirnrod. Fifth Edition. 
The Life of a Sportsman. By Nimrod. 
Handley Cross. By R. S. Surtees. Third 

Mr. Sponge's Sporting Tour. By R. S. 

Jorrocks' Jaunts and Jollities. By R. 

S. Surtees. Third Edition. 
Ask Mamma. By R. S. Surtees. 

The Analysis of the Hunting Field. By 

R. S. Surtees. 
The Tour of Dr. Syntax in Search of 

the Picturesque. By William Combe. 

The Tour of Dr. Syntax in Search of 
Consolation. By William Combe. 

The Third Tour of Dr. Syntax in Search 
of a Wife. By William Combe. 

The History of Johnny Quae Genus. By 
the Author of ' The Three Tours." 

The English Dance of Death, from the 
Designs of T. Rowlandson, with Metrical 
Illustrations by the Author of ' Doctor 
Syntax.' Two Volumes. 

The Dance of Life: A Poem. By the 

Author of ' Dr. Syntax.' 
Life in London. By Pierce Egan. 
Real Life in London. By an Amateur 

(Pierce Egan). Two Volumes. 
The Life of an Actor. By Pierce Egan. 
The Vicar of Wakefield. By Oliver 

The Military Adventures of Johnny 

Newcombe. By an Officer. 
The National Sports of Great Britain. 

With Descriptions and 50 Coloured Plates by 

Henry Aiken. 
The Adventures of a Post Captain. By 

a Naval Officer. 
Gamonia. By Lawrence Rawstone, Esq. 
An Academy for Grown Horsemen. By 

Geoffrey Gambado, Esq. 
Real Life in Ireland. By a Real Paddy. 
The Adventures of Johnny Newcombe in 

the Navy. By Alfred Burton. 
The Old English Squire. By John Care- 
less, Esq. 
The English Spy. By Bernard Blackmantle. 

Two Volumes. 7s. net. 


The Grave : A Poem. By Robert Blair. 

Illustrations of the Book of Job. In- 
vented and engraved by William Blake. 

Windsor Castle. By W. Harrison Ains- 

The Tower of London. By W. Harrison 

Frank Fairlegh. By F. E. Smedley. 

Handy Andy. By Samuel Lover. 

The Compleat Angler. By Izaak Walton 
and Charles Cotton. 

The Pickwick Papers. By Charles Dick- 

Methuen and Company Limited 
Leaders of Religion. 

Edited by H. C. BEECHING, M.A., Canon of Westminster. With Potttaits. 
Crown Svo. 2s. net. 

Cardinal Newman. By R. H. Hutton. 
John Wesley. By J. H. Overton, M.A. 
Bishop Wilberforce. By G. W. Daniell. 

Cardinal Manning. By A. W. Hutton, 

Charles Simeon. ByH. C. G. Moule, D.D. 
John Knox. By F. MacCunn. Second 

John Howe. By R. F. Horton, D.D. 
Thomas Ken. By F. A. Clarke, M.A. 
George Fox, the Quaker. By T. Hodg- 

kin, D.C.L. Third Edition. 

John Keble. By Walter Lock, D.D. 
Thomas Chalmers. By Mrs. Oliphant. 
Lancelot Andrewes. By R. L. Ottley, 

D.D. Second Edition. 
Augustine of Canterbury. By E. L. 

Cutts, D.D. 
William Laud. By W. H. Hutton, M.A. 

Third Edition. 
John Donne. By Augustus Jessop, D.D. 
Thomas Cranmer. By A. J. Mason, D.D. 
Bishop Latimer. By R. M. Carlyle and 

A. J. Carlyle, M.A. 
Bishop Butler. By W. A. Spooner, M.A. 

The Library of Devotion. 

With Introductions and (where necessary) Notes. 
Small Foil Svo, gilt top, cloth, 2s. ; leather, 2s. 6d. net. 

The Confessions of St. Augustine. 
Seventh Edition. 

The Imitation of Christ. Sixth Edition- 

The Christian Year. Fourth Edition. 

Lyra Innocentium. Second Edition. 

TheTemplh. Second Edition. 

A Book of Devotions. Second Edition. 

A Serious Call to a Devout and Holy 
Life. Fourth Edition. 

A Guide to Eternity. 

The Inner Way. Second Edition. 

On the Love of God. 

The Psalms of David. 

Lyra Apostolica. 

The Song of Songs. 

The Thoughts of Pascal. Second Edition. 

A Manual of Consolation from the 
Saints and Fathers. 

Devotions from the Apocrypha. 

The Spiritual Combat. 

The Devotions of St. Anselm. 

Bisho* Wilson's Sacra Privata. 

Grace Abounding to the Chief of Sin 

Lyra Sacra : A Book of Sacred Verse. 
Second Edition. 

A Day Book from the Saints and 

A Little Book of Heavenly Wisdom. A 
Selection from the English Mystics. 

Light, Life, and Love. A Selection from 
the German Mystics. 

An Introduction to the Devout Life. 

The Little Flowers of the Glorious 
Messer St. Francis and of his Friars. 

Death and Immortality. 

The Spiritual Guide. Second Edition. 

Devotions for Every Day in the Week 
and the Great Festivals. 

Preces Private. 

Horaj Mysticje : A Day Book from the 
Writings of Mystics of Many Nations. 

General Literature 


Little Books on Art. 

With many Illustrations. Demy \6mo. Gilt top. 2s. 6d. net. 

Each volume consists of about 200 pages, and contains from 30 to 40 Illustrations, 

including a Frontispiece in Photogravure. 

Albrecht Durer. J. Allen. 
Arts of Japan, The. E. Dillon. 
Bookplates. E. Almack. 
Botticelli. Mary L. Bloomer. 
Burne- Jones. F. de Lisle. 
•Christian Symbolism. Mrs. H. Jenner. 
Christ in Art. Mrs. H. Jenner. 
Claude. E. Dillon. 
Constable. H. W. Tompkins. 
Corot. A. Pollard and E. Birnstingl. 
Enamels. Mrs. N. Dawson. 
Frederic Leighton. A. Corkran. 
George Romney. G. Paston. 
Greek Art. H. B. Walters. 
Greuze and Boucher. E. F. Pollard. 

Holbein. Mrs. G. Fortescue. 

Illuminated Manuscripts. J. W. Bradley. 

Jewellery. C. Davenport. 

John Hoppner. H. P. K. Skipton. 

Sir Joshua Reynolds. J. Sime. 

Millet. N. Peacock. 

Miniatures. C. Davenport. 

Our Lady in Art. Mrs. H. Jenner. 

Raphael. A. R. Dryhurst. Second Edition, 

Rembrandt. Mrs. E. A. Sharp. 

Turner. F. Tyrrell-Gill. 

Vandyck. M. G. Smallwood. 

Velasquez. W. Wilberforce and A. R. 

Watts. R. E. D. Sketchley. 

The Little Galleries. 

Demy i6mo. 2s. 6d. net. 

Each volume contains 20 plates in Photogravure, together with a short outline of 

the life and work of the master to whom the book is devoted. 

A Little Gallery of Reynolds. 
A Little Gallery of Romney. 
A Little Gallery of Hoppner. 

A Little Gallery of Millais. 

A Little Gallery or English Poets. 

The Little Guides. 

With many Illustrations by E. H. New and other artists, and from photographs. 
Small Pott &vo, gilt top, cloth, 2s. 6d. net; leather, 3J. 6d. net. 

The main features of these Guides are (1) a handy and charming form ; (2) illus- 
trations from photographs and by well-known artists ; (3) good plans and maps ; (4) 
an adequate but compact presentation of everything that is interesting in the 
natural features, history, archaeology, and architecture of the town or district treated, 

Cambridge and its Colleges. A. H. 

Thompson. Third Edition, Revised. 
English Lakes, The. F. G. Brabant. 
Isle of Wight, The. G. Clinch. 
Malvern Country, The. B. C A. Windle. 
North Wales. A. T. Story. 
Oxford and its Colleges. J. Wells. 

Ninth Edition. 

Shakespeare's Country. B. C. A. Windle. 

Third Edition. 
St. Paul's Cathedral. G. Clinch. 
Westminster Abbey. G. E. Troutbeck. 

Second Edition. 

Buckinghamshire. E. S. Roscoe. 
Cheshire. W. M. Gallichan. 


Methuen and Company Limited 

The Little Guives— continued. 

Cornwall. A. L. Salmon. 

Derbyshire. J. C. Cox. 

Devon. S. Baring-Gould. Second Edition. 

Dorset. F. R. Heath. Second Edition. 

Essex. J. C. Cox. 

Hampshire. J. C. Cox. 

Hertfordshire. H. W. Tompkins. 

Kent. G. Clinch. 

Kerry. C. P. Crane. 

Middlesex. J. B. Firth. 

Monmouthshire. G. W. Wade and J. K 


Northamptonshire. W. Dry. 
•Northumberland. J. E. Morris. 
Nottinghamshire. L. Guilford. 

W. A. Dutt. Second Edition. 

Oxfordshire. F. G. Brabant. 
Somerset. G. W. and J. H. Wade. 
•Staffordshire. C. E. Masefield. 
Suffolk. W. A. Dutt. 
Surrey. F. A. H. Lambert. 
Sussex. F. G. Brabant. Third Edition. 
•Wiltshire. F. R. Heath. 
Yorkshire, The East Riding. J. 

Yorkshire, The North Riding. J. 

Brittany. S. Baring-Gould. 
Normandy. C. Scudamore. 
Rome. C. G. Ellaby. 
Sicily. F. H. Jackson. 

The Little Library. 

With Introductions, Notes, and Photogravure Frontispieces. 
Small Pott Svo. Gilt top. Each Volume, cloth, is. 6d. net ; leather, 2s. 6d. net. 

LY R I C S. Second Edition. 

Austen (Jane). PRIDE AND PREJU- 
DICE. Two Volumes. 


Bacon (Francis). 

Barham (R. H.). THE INGOLDSBY 
LEGENDS. Two Volumes. 

Barnet (Mrs. P. A.). A LITTLE BOOK 

Beckford (William). THE HISTORY 

Blake (William). SELECTIONS FROM 

Borrow (George). LAVENGRO. Two 



Browning (Robert). SELECTIONS 

Canning (George). SELECTIONS FROM 
THE ANTI-JACOBIN : with George 
Canning's additional Poems. 

Cowley (Abraham). THE ESSAYS OF 

Crabbe (George). SELECTIONS FROM 

Craik (Mrs.). JOHN HALIFAX, 

GENTLEMAN. Two Volumts. 

Crashaw (Richard). THE ENGLISH 

Dante (Alighieri). THE INFERNO OF 
DANTE. Translated by H. F. Cary. 

lated by II . F. Cary. 

lated by H. F. Cary. 

Darley (George). SELECTIONS FROM 


Deane (A. C). A 

Dickens(Charles). CHRISTMAS BOOKS. 

Two Volumes. 

Ferrier (Susan). MARRIAGE. Two 


Gaskell (Mrs.). CRANFORD. 

Hawthorne (Nathaniel). THE SCARLET 

Henderson (T. F.). A LITTLE BOOK 

Keats (John). POEMS. 

Kinglake (A. 


W.). EOTHEN. Second 

Lamb (Charles). ELIA, AND THE LAST 

Locker (F.). 




General Literature 


The Little Library— continued. 

Mapvell (Andrew). THE POEMS OF 

Milton (John). THE MINOR POEMS OF 


Nichols (J. B. B.). A LITTLE BOOK 

Rochefoucauld (La). THE MAXIMS OF 

Smith (Horace and James). REJECTED 

Sterne (Laurence). A SENTIMENTAL 

Tennyson (Alfred, Lord). THE EARLY 




Thackeray (W. M.). VANITY FAIR. 

T7tree Volumes. 
PENDENNIS. Three Volumes. 

Vaughan (Henry). THE POEMS OF 


Walton (Izaak). 

Waterhouse (Elizabeth). A LITTLE 
Thirteenth Edition. 

Wordsworth (W.). SELECTIONS FROM 

Wordsworth (W.) and Coleridge (S. T.) 

The Little Quarto Shakespeare. 

Edited by W. J. CRAIG. With Introductions and Notes. 

Pott l6mo. In 40 Volumes. Gilt top. Leather ; price is, net each volume. 

Mahogany Revolving Book Case. 10s. net. 

Miniature Library. 

Gilt top. 

Euphranor : A Dialogue on Youth. By 

Edward FitzGerald. Demy yzmo. Leather ; 

as. net. 
Thb Life of Edward, Lord Herbert of 

Cherburv. Written by himself. Demy 

yitno. Leather, 2s. net. 

Polonius : or Wise Saws and Modern In- 
stances. By Edward FitzGerald. Demy 
32mo. Leather, 2s. net. 

The RubAiyAt of Omar Khayyam. By 
Edward FitzGerald. Fourth Edition. 
Leather, is. net. 

The New Library of Medicine. 

Edited by C. W. SALEEBY, M.D., F.R.S.Edin. Demy $vo. 

Care of the Body, The. By F. Cavanagh. 

Second Edition. 7s. 6d. net. 
Children of the Nation, The. By the 

Right Hon. Sir John Gorst. Second Edition. 

•js. 6d. net. 
Control of a Scourge, The ; or, How 

Cancer is Curable. By Chas. P. Childe. 

•js. 6d. net. 
Diseases of Occupation. By Sir Thomas 

Oliver. \os. 6d. net. 
Drink Problem, The, in its Medico-Socio- 
logical Aspects. Edited by T. N. Kelynack. 

•js. 6d. net. 
Drugs and the Drug Habit. By H. 


Functional Nerve Diseases. By A. T. 
Schofield. 7-r. 6d. net. 

•Heredity, The Laws of. By Archdall 

Reid. 21J. net. 
Hygiene of Mind, The. By T. S. Clouston. 

Fifth Edition. 7s. 6d. net. 

Infant Mortality. By Sir George New- 
man, js. 6d. net. 

Prevention of Tuberculosis (Consump- 
tion), The. By Arthur Newsholme. 
xoj. 6d. net. 

Air and Health. By Ronald C. Macfie. Second Edition. 


Methuen and Company Limited 

The New Library of Music. 

Edited by ERNEST NEWMAN. Illustrated. Demy Zvo. fr. 6d. net. 

Hugo Wolf. By Ernest Newman. Illus- 

Handel. By R. A. Streatfeild. Illustrated. 
Second Edition. 

Oxford Biographies. 

Illustrated. Fcap. %vo. Gilt top. Each volume ; cloth, 2s. 6d. net; leather, 

3J-. 6d. net. 

Dante Alighiert. By Paget Tonybee, 

M.A., D. Litt. Third Edition. 
Girolamo Savonarola By E. L. S. Hors- 

bL-rgh, M.A. Second Edition. 
John Howard. By E. C. S. Gibson, D.D., 

Bishop of Gloucester. 
Alfred Tennyson. By A. C. Benson, M.A. 

Second Edition. 
Sir Walter Raleigh. By I. A Taylor. 
Erasmus. By E. F. H. Capey. 

The Young Pretender. By C. S. Terry. 
Robert Burns. By T. F. Henderson. 
Chatham. By A. S. M'DowalL 
Francis of Assisi. By Anna M. Stoddart. 
Canning. By W. Alison Phillips. 
Beaconsfield. By Walter Sichei. 
Johann Wolfgang Goethe. By H. G. 

Francois Fenelon. By Viscount St. Cyres. 

Romantic History. 

Edited by MARTIN HUME, M.A. Illustrated. Demy %vo. 

A series of attractive volumes in which the periods and personalities selected are 
such as afford romantic human interest, in addition to their historical 

The First Governess of the Nether- 
lands, Margaret of Austria. Eleanor 
E. Tremayne. tos. 6d. net. 

Two English Queens and Philip. Martin 

Hume, M.A. 15J. net. 
The Nine Days' Qceen. Richard Davey. 
With a Preface by Martin Hume, M.A. 
Second Edition. 10s. td. net. 

Handbooks of Theology. 

The Doctrine of the Incarnation. By R. 

L. Ottley, D.D. Fifth Edition, Revised. 

Demy ivo. 12s. 6d. 
A History of Early Christian Doctrine. 

By J. F. Bethune-Baker, M.A. Demy %vo. 

1 of. td. 
An Introduction to the History of 

Religion. By F. B. Jevons, M.A. 

Litt. D. Fifth Edition. Demy ivo. 10s. 6d. 

An Introduction to the History of the 
Creeds. By A. E. Burn, D.D. Demy 
Zvo. iox. td. 

The Philosophy of Religion in England 
and America. By Alfred Caidecott, D.D. 
Demy Svo. 10s. 6d. 

The XXXIX. Articles of the Church of 
England. Edited by E. C. S. Gibson, 
D.D. 'Seventh Edition. Demy 8vo. 12s. 6d. 



The Westminster Commentaries. 

General Editor, WALTER LOCK, D.D., Warden of Keble College. 
Dean Ireland's Professor of Exegesis in the University of Oxford. 

Thb Acts of the Apostles. Edited by R. 

B. Rackham, M.A. Demy %vo. Fifth 

Edition, ioj. 6d. 
The First Epistle of Paul the Apostle 

to the Corinthians. Edited by H. L. 

Goudge, M.A. Third Ed. DemyZvo. 6s. 
The Book of Exodus. Edited by A. H. 

M'Neile, B.D. With a Map and 3 Plans. 

Demy 8vo. 10s. 6d. 
The Book of Ezekiel. Edited by H. A. 

Redpath, M. A., D.Litt. Demy 8vo. 10s. 6d. 

The Book of Genesis. Edited with Intro- 
duction and Notes by S. R. Driver, D.D. 
Eighth Edition. Demy 8vo. 10s. 6d. 

Additions and Corrections in the Seventh 
Edition of The Book of Genesis. By 
S. R. Driver, D.D. Demy 8vo. is. 

The Book of Job. Edited by E. C. S. Gibson, 
D.D. Second Edition. Demy Zvo. 6s. 

The Epistle of St. James. Edited with In- 
troduction and Notes by R. J. Knowling, 
D.D. Second Edition. Demy 8vo. 6s. 

Part III. — A Selection of Works of Fiction 

Albanesi (B. Maria). SUSANNAH AND 

ONE OTHER. Fourth Edition. Cr. 

ivo. 6s. 
LOVE AND LOUISA. Second Edition. 

Cr. 8vo. 6s. 

Edition. Cr. 8vo. Cs. 
I KNOW A MAIDEN. Third Edition. 

Cr. 8vo. 6 s. 

Polite Adventuress. Third Edition. 

Cr. 8vo. y. 6d. 
THE GLAD HEART. Fifth Edition. 

Cr. 8vo. 6s. 

Allerton (Mark). SUCH AND 
THINGS. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 


Annesley (Maude). THIS DAY'S MAD- 
NESS. Second Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 

Bagot (Richard). A ROMAN MYSTERY. 

Third Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 
THE PASSPORT. Fourth Edition. Cr. 

8vo. 6s. 
ANTHONY CUTHBERT. Fourth Edition. 

Cr. 8vo. 6s. 
LOVE'S PROXY. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 
DONNA DIANA. Second Edition. Cr. 

CASTING OF NETS. Twelfth Edition. 
Cr. 8vo. 6s. 

Second Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 

Ball ;Oona H.) (Barbara Burke). THEIR 
OXFORD YEAR. Illustrated. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 

trated. Third Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 

Baring-Gould (S.). ARMINELL. Fifth 
Editimi. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 

Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 

Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 

THE QUEEN OF LOVE. Fifth Edition. 
Cr. 8vo. 6s. 

JACQUETTA. Third Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 

KITTY ALONE. Fifth Edition. Cr.8vo. 6s. 

NOEMI. Illustrated. Fourth Edition. Cr. 

THE' BROOM - SQUIRE. Illustrated. 

Fifth Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 
DARTMOOR IDYLLS. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 
GUAVAS THE TINNER. Illustrated. 

Second Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 
trated. Second Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 
PABO THE PRIEST. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 
WINEFRED. Illustrated. Second Edition. 

Cr. 8vo. 6s. 
ROYAL GEORGIE. Illustrated. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 
CHRIS OF ALL SORTS. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 
IN DEWISLAND. Second Edition. Cr. 

8vo. 6s. 
THE FROBISHERS. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 
DOMITIA. Illustrated. Second Edition. 

Cr. 8vo. 6s. 

Cr. 8vo. 6s. 
Barr (Robert). IN THE MIDST OF 

ALARMS. Third Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6*. 

Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 


Methuen and Company Limited 

THE MUTABLE MANY. Third Edition. 
Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Begbie (Harold). THE CURIOUS AND 
JOHN SPARROW ; or, The Progress 
of an Open Mind. Second Edition. Cr. 
Svo. 6s. 

MERCHANT. Illustrated. Second Edition. 
Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Benson (E. F.). DODO : A Detail of the 
Day. Sixteenth Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Birmingham (George A.). THE BAD 

TIMES. Second Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 
SPANISH GOLD. Sixth Edition. Cr. 

Svo. 6s. 
THE SEARCH PARTY. Fourth Edition. 

Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Bowen (Marjorie). I WILL MAIN- 
TAIN. Fifth Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Bretherton(Ralph Harold). AN HONEST 
MAN. Second Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Capes (Bernard. WHY DID HE DO 

IT? Third Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Castle (Agnes and Egerton). FLOWER 

O' THE ORANGE, and Other Tales. 
Third Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Clifford (Mrs. W. K.). THE GETTING 
WELL OF DOROTHY. Illustrated. 
Second Edition. Cr. Svo. $s. 6d. 

Conrad (Joseph). THE SECRET AGENT : 

A Simple Tale. Fourth Ed. Cr. Svo. 6s. 
A SET OF SIX. Fourth Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Corelli (Marie). A ROMANCE OF TWO 
WORLDS. Thirtieth Ed. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

VENDETTA. Twenty-eighth Edition. Cr. 
Svo. 6s. 

THELMA. Forty -first Ed. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

SELF. Nineteenth Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

THE SOUL OF LILITH. Sixteenth Edi- 
tion. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

WORMWOOD. Seventeenth Ed. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

WORLD'S TRAGEDY. Forty-fifth 

Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Edition, xiith Thousand. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

SUPREMACY. Second Edition. 150M 
Thousand. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

STORY. Fourteenth Edition. 152nd Thou- 
sand. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

HOLY ORDERS : the Tragedy of a 
Quiet Life. Second Edition. 120th 
Thousand. Crown Svo. 6s. 

THE MIGHTY ATOM. Twenty-ninth 
Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

BOY : a Sketch. Twelfth Edition. Cr. %vo. 

CAMEOS. Fourteenth Edition. Cr.lvo. 6s. 

Cotes (Mrs. Everard). See Duncan (Sara 

Crockett (S. R.). LOCHINVAR. Illus- 
trated. Third Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Croker (Mrs. B. M.). THE OLD CAN- 
TONMENT. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

JOHANNA. Second Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

THE HAPPY VALLEY. Fourth Edition. 
Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

ANGEL. Fifth Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Cuthell (Edith E.). ONLY A GUARD- 
ROOM DOG. Illustrated. Cr. Svo. 3s. 6d. 

Dawson (Warrington). THE SCAR. 

Second Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 
THE SCOURGE. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Douglas (Theo.). COUSIN HUGH. 
Second Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Doyle (A. Conan). ROUND THE RED 
LAMP. Eleventh Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Duncan (Sara Jeannette) (Mrs. Everard 


trated. Third Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Elliot (Robert). THE IMMORTAL 
CHARLATAN. Second Edition. Crown 
Svo. 6s. 

Fenn (G. Manville). SYD BELTON : or, 
The Boy who would not go to Sea. Illus- 
trated. Second Ed. Cr. Svo. 3*. 6d. 

Findlater(J.H-). THE GREEN GRAVES 
OF BALGOVVRIE. Fifth Edition. Cr. 
Svo. 6s. 

Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Findlater (Mary). A NARROW WAY. 

Third Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 
OVER THE HILLS. Second Edition. Cr. 

Svo. 6s. 
THE ROSE OF JOY. Third Edition. 

Cr. Svo. 6s. 
A BLIND BIRD'S NEST. Illustrated. 

Second Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 



Francis (M. E.). (Mrs. Francis Blundell). 

tion. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

HARDY-ON-THE-HILL. Third Edition. 
Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Second Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Fpasep (Mps. Hugh). THE SLAKING 
OF THE SWORD. Second Edition. 
Cr. Svo. 6s. 

GIANNELLA. Second Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Third Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Fry (B. and C. B )• A MOTHER'S SON. 
Fifth Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Gepard (Louise). THE GOLDEN CEN- 

TIPEDK Third Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Gibbs (Philip). THE SPIRIT OF RE- 
VOLT. Second Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Gissing (George). THE CROWN OF 
LIFE. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Glendon (George). THE EMPEROR OF 
THE AIR. Illustrated. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Hamilton (Cosmo). MRS. SKEFFING- 
TON. Second Edition. Cr.Svo. 6s. 

Harraden (Beatrice). IN VARYING 

MOODS. Fourteenth Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

TANCE MAN. Twelfth Ed. Cr.Svo. 6s. 

INTERPLAY. Fifth Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Hichens (Robert). THE PROPHET OF 

BERKELEY SQUARE. Second Edition. 

Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 
FELIX. Seventh Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 
BYEWAYS. Cr.Svo. 6s. 

Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 
BARBARY SHEEP. Second Edition. Cr. 

Svo. 6s. 
Hilliers (Ashton). THE MASTER-GIRL. 

Illustrated. Second Edition. Cr. Bvo. 6s. 

Hope (Anthony). THE GOD IN THE 

CAR. Eleventh Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 
A CHANGE OF AIR. Sixth Edition. Cr. 

Svo. 6s. 
A MAN OF MARK. Seventh Ed. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

TONIO. Sixth Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 
PHROSO. Illustrated. Eighth Edition. 

Cr. Svo. 6s. 
SIMON DALE. Illustrated. Eighth Edition. 

THE KING'S MIRROR. Fifth Edition. 
Cr. %vo. 6#. 

QUISANTE. Fourth Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 


trated. Fourth Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

tion. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Hueffep (Fopd Maddox). AN ENGLISH 
GIRL: A Romance. Second Edition. Cr. 
Svo. 6s. 

MR. APOLLO: A Just Possible Story. 
Second Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Hutten (Baroness von). THE HALO. 

Fifth Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Hyne (C. J. Cutcliffe). MR. HOR- 

ROCKS, PURSER. Fifth Edition. Cr. 

Svo. 6s. 

Illustrated. Third Edition. Cr. Svo. 


Jacobs (W. W.). MANY CARGOES. 

Thirty-second Edition. Cr. Svo. 3s. 6d. 
SEA URCHINS. Sixteenth Edition. Cr. 

Svo. 2 s - 6d. 
A MASTER OF CRAFT. Illustrated. 

Ninth Edition. Cr. Svo. 3s. 6d. 
LIGHT FREIGHTS. Illustrated. Eighth 

Edition. Cr. Svo. y. 6d. 

Cr. Svo. 3J. 6d. 
AT SUNW1CH PORT. Illustrated. Tenth 

Edition. Cr. Svo. 3s. 6d. 
DIALSTONE LANE. Illustrated. Seventh 

Edition. Cr. Svo. %s. 6d. 
ODD CRAFT. Illustrated. Fourth Edition. 

Cr. Svo. 3*. 6d. 
THE LADY OF THE BARGE. Illustrated. 

Eighth Edition. Cr. Svo. 3s. 6d. 
SALTHAVEN. Illustrated. Second Edition. 

Cr. Svo. 3 c. 6d. 
SAILORS' KNOTS. Illustrated. Fifth 

Edition. Cr. Svo. y. 6d. 

James (Henry). THE SOFT SIDE. 

Second Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 
THE BETTER SORT. Cr. Svo. 6s. 
THE GOLDEN BOWL. Third Edition. 

Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Le Queux (William). THE HUNCHBACK 

OF WESTMINSTER. Third Edition. 

Cr. Svo. 6s. 
THE CLOSED BOOK. Third Edition. 

Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Illustrated. Third Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 
BEHIND THE THRONE. Third Edition. 

Cr. Svo. 6s. 
THE CROOKED WAY. Second Edition. 

Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Lindsey (William). THE SEVERED 
MANTLE. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

London (Jack). WHITE FANG. Seventh 
Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 


Methuen and Company Limited 

Lubbock (Basil). DEEP SEA WAR- 
RIORS. Illustrated. Third Edition. Cr. 
Zvo. 6s. 

Lucas (St John). THE FIRST ROUND. 
Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

NOVELIST. 44 M Thousand. Cr. Zvo. 
3*. 6d. 

Maartens (Maarten). THE NEW RELI- 
GION: A Modern Novel. Third Edition. 
Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

BROTHERS ALL; More Stories of 
Dutch Peasant Life. Third Edition. 
Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

M'Carthy (Justin H.). THE DUKE'S 
MOTTO. Fourth Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Macnaughtan (S-). THE FORTUNE OF 
CHRISTINA M'NAB. Fifth Edition. 
Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

WIFE. Fourth Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

THE WAGES OF SIN. Sixteenth Edition- 
Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

THE CARISSIMA. Fifth Ed. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

tion. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

CALMADY. Seventh Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Mann (Mrs. M. E.). THE PARISH 

NURSE. Fourth Edition. Cr. Zr>o. 6s. 
A SHEAF OF CORN. Second Edition. 

Cr. Zvo. 6s. 
THE HEART-SMITER. Second Edition. 

Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Marsh (Richard). THE COWARD BE- 

Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

LIVE MEN'S SHOES. Second Edition. 
Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Marshall (Archibald). MANY JUNES. 

Second Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 
Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Mason (A. E. W.). CLEMENTINA. 
Illustrated. Seventh Edition. Cr. Zvo. 2s. 

Maud (Constance). A DAUGHTER OF 
FRANCE. Third Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Maxwell (W. B.). VIVIEN. Ninth Edi- 
tion. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 


tion. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

ODD LENGTHS. Second Ed. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

HILL RISE. Fourth Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

tween You and I. Fourth Edition. Cr. 
Zvo. 6s. 

Meade (L. T-). DRIFT. Second Edition. 

Cr. Zvo. 6s. 
RESURGAM. Second Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 
VICTORY. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 
A GIRL OF THE PEOPLE. Illustrated. 

Fourth Edition. Cr. Zvo. 3s. 6d. 
HEPSY GIPSY. Illustrated. Cr. Zvo. 

2s. 6d. 

of an Old-fashioned Town. Illustrated. 

Second Edition. Cr. Zvo. 3s. 6d. 

Mitford (Bertram). THE SIGN OF THE 

SPIDER. Illustrated. Seventh Edition. 
Cr. Zvo. 3*. 6d. 

Molesworth (Mrs.). THE RED GRANGE. 
Illustrated. Second Edition. Cr. Zvo 
3s. 6d. 

Montague (C. E.). A HIND LET 
LOOSE. Third Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Montgomery (K. L.). COLONEL KATE. 
Second Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Morrison (Arthur). TALES OF MEAN 
STREETS. Seventh Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

A CHILD OF THE JAGO. Sixth Edition. 
Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

tion. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 


Nesbit (E.), (Mrs. H. Bland). THE RED 
HOUSE. Illustrated. Fifth Edition. 
Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Noble (Edward). LORDS OF THE SEA. 

Third Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Ollivant (Alfred). OWD BOB, THE 
Frontispiece. Eleventh Ed. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Oppenheim (E. Phillips). MASTER OF 
MEN. Fourth Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Oxenham (John). A WEAVER OF 

WEBS. Illustrated. Fifth Ed. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

and Cheaper Edition. Cr. Zvo. as. net. 
PROFIT AND LOSS. Fourth Edition. 

Cr. Zvo. 6s. 
THE LONG ROAD. Fourth Edition. Cr. 

Zvo. 6s. 

OTHER STORIES. Second Edition. 

tion. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Second Edition. Crown Zvo. 6s. 

Parker (Gilbert). PIERRE AND HIS 
PEOPLE. Sixth Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 



MRS. FALCHION. Fifth Edition. Cr.Svo. 

Fourth Edition. Cr. Svo 6s. 

trated. Tenth Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

The Story of a Lost Napoleon. Sixth 
Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 

The Last Adventures of ' Pretty Pierre.' 
Fourth Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 

trated. Seventeenth Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 

Romance of Two Kingdoms. Illustrated. 
Seventh Edition, Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Third Edition. Cr. 8vo. 3*. &/. 

NORTHERN LIGHTS. Fourth Edition. 
Cr. 8vo. 6s. 

Pasture (Mrs. Henry de la). THE 

TYRANT. Fourth Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Patterson (J. E.). WATCHERS BY THE 
SHORE. Third Edition. Cr.Svo. 6s. 

Pemberton (Max). THE FOOTSTEPS 

OF A THRONE. Illustrated. Fourth 

Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 
I CROWN THEE KING. Illustrated. Cr. 

8vo. 6s. 

the Shires. Illustrated. Third Edition. 

Cr. 8vo. 2 s - &d- 

HEART. Third Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 

Phillpotts (Eden). LYING PROPHETS. 

Third Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 
tion. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 
THE HUMAN BOY. With a Frontispiece. 

Seventh Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 

Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 
THE RIVER. Third Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 

Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 
THE SECRET WOMAN. Fourth Edition. 

Cr. 8vo. 6s. 
KNOCK AT A VENTURE. Third Edition. 

Cr. 8vo. 6s. 
THE PORTREEVE. Fourth Edition. Cr. 

Svo. 6s. 
THE POACHER'S WIFE. Second Edition. 

THE STRIKING HOURS. Second Edition, 

Cr. 8vo. 6s. 

Pickthall (Marmaduke). SAID THE 

FISHERMAN. Eighth Edition. Cr. 8vo. 

*Q' (A. T. QuIIlep Couch). THE WHITE 

WOLF. Second Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 
THE MAYOR OF TROY. Fourth Edition. 

Cr. 8vo. 6s. 
MERRY-GARDEN and other Stories. 

Cr. Svo. 6s. 

MAJOR VIGOUREUX. Third Edition. 
Cr. 8vo. 6s. 

Querido (Israel). TOIL OF MEN. Trans- 
lated by F. S. Arnold. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Rawson (Maud Stepney). THE EN- 
CHANTED GARDEN. Fourth Edition. 
Cr. Svo. 6s. 

of Living. Second Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 

HAPPINESS. Second Edition. Cr.8vo. 6s. 

Rhys (Grace). THE BRIDE. Second 
Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 

Ridge (W. Pett). ERB. Second Edition. 

Cr. 8vo. 6s. 
A SON OF THE STATE. Third Edition. 

Cr. Svo. 2 s - 6d. 
A BREAKER OF LAWS. Cr. Svo. 3*. 6d. 
MRS. GALER'S BUSINESS. Illustrated. 

Second Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 
THE WICKHAMSES. Fourth Edition. 

NAME OF GARLAND. Third Edition. 

Cr. 8vo. 6s. 
SPLENDID BROTHER. Fourth Edition. 

Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Ritchie (Mrs. David G.). MAN AND 
THE CASSOCK. Second Edition. 
Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Roberts (C. G- D.). THE HEART OF THE 
ANCIENT WOOD. Cr. Svo. 3 j. 6d. 

Robins (Elizabeth). THE CONVERT. 
Third Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Rosenkrantz (Baron Palle). THE 
Svo. 6s. 

Russell (W. Clark). MY DANISH 

SWEETHEART. Illustrated. Fifth 

Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Second Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 
ABANDONED. Second Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 

Illustrated. Fourth Edition. Cr. Svo. 2 s - 6d. 

Sandys (Sydney). JACK CARSTAIRS 
OF THE POWER HOUSE. Illustrated. 
Second Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Sergeant (Adeline). THE PASSION OF 

•Shakespear (Olivia). UNCLE HILARY. 
Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Sidgwick (Mrs. Alfred). THE KINS- 
MAN. Illustrated. Third Edition. Cr. 
Svo. 6s. 

THE SEVERINS. Fourth Edition. Cr. 
Svo. is. net, 

Stewart (Newton V.). A SON OF THE 
EMPEROR : Being Passages from the 
Life of Enzio, King of Sardinia and 
Corsica. Cr. Svo. 6s. 

Swayne (Martin Lutrell). THE BISHOP 
AND THE LADY. Second Edition, 
Cr. Svo. 6s. 


Methuen and Company Limited 

Thurston (E. Temple). MIRAGE. Fourth 

Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Underhill (Evelyn). THE COLUMN OF 

DUST. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Vorst (Marie Van). THE SENTIMEN- 
STRODE. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

IN AMBUSH. Second Edition. Cr. Zvo. 

Waineman (Paul). THE WIFE OF 

Watson (H. B. Marriott). TWISTED 
EGLANTINE. Illustrated. Third Edi- 
tion. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

THE HIGH TOBY. Third Edition. Cr. 
Z7'o. 6s. 

Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

THE PRIVATEERS. Illustrated. Second 
Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

A POPPY SHOW: Being Divers and 
Diverse Tales. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Webling (Peggy). THE STORY OF 
Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

*THE SPIRIT OF MIRTH. Cr.tivo. 6s. 

Wells (H. G.). THE SEA LADY. Cr. 
Zvo. 6s. Also Medium Zvo. 6d. 

Weyman (Stanley). UNDER THE RED 
ROBE. Illustrated. Twenty-third Edition. 
Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Whitby (Beatrice). THE RESULT OF 
AN ACCIDENT. Second Edition. Cr. 
Zvo. 6s. 

White (Edmund). THE HEART OF 
HINDUSTAN. Second Edition. Cr. Zvo. 

White (Perey). LOVE AND THE WISE 

MEN. Third Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Williamson (C N. and A. M.). THE 

Strange Adventures of a Motor Car. Illus 

trated. Seventeenth Edition. Cr. Zvo. 

6s. Also Cr. Zvo. is. net. 

a Motor. Illustrated. Ninth Edition 

Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

trated. Tenth Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Eleventh Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

ERRAND IN SPAIN. Illustrated. Fifth 

Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Sixth Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 
SCARLET RUNNER. Illustrated. Third 

Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 
SET IN SILVER. Illustrated. Third 

Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

AMERICA. Second Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Wyllarde (Dolf). THE PATHWAY OF 
THE PIONEER (Nous Autres). Fourth 
Edition. Cr. Zvo. 6s. 

Books for Boys and Girls. 

Illustrated. Craivn Zvo. 2 s - 6d. 

The Getting Well of Dorothy. By Mrs. 

W. K. Clifford. Second Edition. 
Only a Guard-Room Dog. By Edith E. 

Master Rockafellar's Voyage. By W. 

Clark Russell. Fourth Edition. 
Syd Belton : Or, the Boy who would not 

go to Sea. By G. Manville Fenn. Second 

The Red Grange. By Mrs. Molesworth. 

Second Edition. 

A Girl of the People. 
Fourth Edition. 

By L. T. Meade. 

Hepsy Gipsy. By L. T. Meade. 2j. 6d. 

The Honourable Miss. 
Second Edition. 

By L. T. Meade 

There was once a Prince 

By Mrs. M. E. 

Wheh Arnold comes Home. By Mrs. M. E. 



The Novels of Alexandre Dumas. 

Medium %vo. Price 6d. Double VoIumes % is. 


Thb Adventures of Captain Pamphile. 


The Bird of Fate. 

The Black Tulip. 

The Castle of Eppstein. 

Catherine Blum. 


The Chatelet. 

The Chevalier D'Harmental. (Double 

Chicot the Jester. 
The Comte dk Montgomery. 
The Convict's Son. 
The Corsican Brothers; and Otho the 

Ckop-Eared Jacquot. 
Dom Gorenflot. 
The Fatal Combat. 
The Fencing Master. 
Gabriel Lambert. 

The Great Massacre. 
Henri de Navarre. 
Helens db Chaverny. 

The Horoscope. 

Louise de la Valliere. (Double volume.) 
The Man in the Iron Mask. (Double 

MaItre Adam. 

The Mouth of Hell. 

Nanon. (Double volume.) 


Pauline ; Pascal Bruno ; and Bontekoe. 

Pere la Ruine. 

The Prince of Thieves. 

The Reminiscences of Antony. 

Robin Hood. 

Samuel Gelb. 

The Snowball and the Sultanetta. 


The Taking of Calais. 

Tales of the Supernatural. 

Tales of Strange Adventure. 

Tales of Terror. 

The Three Musketeers. (Double volume.) 

The Tragedy of Nantes. 

Twenty Years After. (Double volume.) 

The Wild-Duck Shooter. 

The Wolf-Leader. 

Methuen's Sixpenny Books. 

Medium %vo. 

AlbanesI (E. Maria). LOVE AND 

Bagot (Richard). A ROMAN MYSTERY. 

Balfour (Andrew). BY STROKE OF 

Baring-Gould (S.J. FURZE BLOOM. 







A BOOK OF FAIRY TALES. Illustrated. 






Methuen and 



Bapp (Robert). JENNIE BAXTER. 

Benson (E. F.). DODO. 

Bronte (Charlotte). SHIRLEY. 

Brownell (C L.). THE HEART OF 


Burton (J. Bloundelle). ACROSS THE 


Caflfyn (Mps.). ANNE MAULEVERER. 

Capes (Bernard). THE LAKE OF 

Clifford (Mrs. W. K.). A FLASH OF 


Corbett (Julian)- A BUSINESS IN 

Croker (Mrs. B. M.). ANGEL. 

Dante (Alighieri). THE DIVINE 
COMEDY (Cary). 

Doyle (A. Conan). ROUND THE RED 

Duncan (Sara Jeannette). A VOYAGE 


Eliot (George). THE MILL ON THE 

Findlater (Jane H.). THE GREEN 

Gallon (Tom). RICKERBY'S FOLLY. 

Gaskell (Mrs.)- CRANFORD. 

Gerard (Dorothea). HOLY MATRI- 


Glanville (Ernest). THE INCA'S 


Company Limited 

Gleig (Charles). BUNTER'S CRUISE. 

Grimm (The Brothers). GRIMM'S 

Hope (Anthony). A MAN OF MARK. 




Hopnung (E. W.). DEAD MEN TELL 

Ingpaham (J. H.). THE THRONE OF 


Levett-Yeats (S. K. 



Linton (E. Lynn). THE TRUE HIS- 


Malet (Lucas). THE CARISSIMA. 

Mann (Mps. M. E.). MRS. PETER 


Mapehmont (A. W.). MISER HOAD- 


Marryat (Captain). PETER SIMPLE. 

March (Richard). A METAMORPHOSIS. 




Mason (A. E. W.). CLEMENTINA. 

Mathers (Helen). HONEY. 
Meade (Mrs. L. T.). DRIFT. 
Miller (Esther). LIVING LIES. 

Mitford (Bertram). THE SIGN OF THE 

Montresor (F. F.). THE ALIEN. 




Morrison (Arthur). 

Nesblt (E.). THE RED HOUSE. 

Norris (W. E.). HIS GRACE. 






Oliphant (Mrs.). THE LADY'S WALK. 

Oppenhelm (E. P.). MASTER OF MEN 

Parker (Gilbert). THE POMP OF THE 


Pemberton (Max). THE FOOTSTEPS 


Phillpotts (Eden). THE HUMAN BOY. 

Q' (A. T. Quiller Coueh). 


Ridge (W. Pett). A SON OF THE STATE. 




Russell (W. Clark). ABANDONED. 

Sergeant (Adeline). THE MASTER OF 


Sidgwiek (Mrs. Alfred). THE KINS 


Surtees (R. S.). HANDLEY CROSS. 

Walford (Mrs. L. B.). MR. SMITH. 




Wallace (General Lew). BEN-HUR. 

Watson (H. B. Marriott). THE ADVEN- 


Weekes (A. B.). PRISONERS OF WAR. 

Wells (H. G.). THE SEA LADY. 

White (Percy). A PASSIONATE PIL-